Wednesday, 17 May 2017

Laxmi, Gandhiji’s adopted daughter, Part-2





In November 2015, I had posted a blog piece on Laxmi, Gandhiji’s adopted daughter- http://nandinikoza.blogspot.in/search/label/Adopted%20Daughter

This post generated some interest and a scholar- researcher Mr. James Takri, kindly shared with me further information on Laxmi including her photograph and her interview that he collected from National Gandhi Museum, New Delhi. Mr. Takri also brought to my notice an article on Laxmi published in outlook in the year 1998 by Saira Menezes – 


Besides the above material I also came across further reference on Laxmi in the following two books:

   1. Ved Mehta’s - Mahatma Gandhi and His Apostles
    2. Arun and Sunanada Gandhi’s book with Carol Lynn Yellin titled – The untold story of Kasturba, Wife of Mahatma Gandhi

However for the issues of copy rights, the material in these books on Laxmi although very valuable cannot be reproduced here. I therefore share Laxmi’s interview and her photograph as collected from the National Gandhi Museum by Mr. James Takri for a wider readership.
 


 
Laxmi with Gandhiji. Source: National Gandhi Museum, New Delhi. As sent by Mr. James Takri

 For those who wish to read Laxmi's excellent interview to know about her as well as her life in the Gandhi ashram, get an idea of her role in the freedom struggle, imprisonment, her relation with Kasturba and Gandhiji, see the link:

https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B4f8XoBOnu_XaWlBY3pDN2N5OEU/view?usp=sharing&resourcekey=0-C1gZtIF0Gi4kSmS-41eenw

I wish to specially thank Mr. James Takri for digging out this valuable information as well as for sharing it with me. I share the same for a wider readership.

end


Tuesday, 14 February 2017

History of the Narmada Water Dispute Tribunal

History of the Narmada Water Dispute Tribunal 

In 2016-17, the SC ruled (while the Bhartiya Janta Party was in power at the center) that the Sardar Sarovar dam oustees be paid cash compensation and further (as reported in the Telegraph) -

 “the judges asked the 4,897 families to vacate their land by July 31, 2017 failing which the authorities will be free to "forcibly remove them”.

 

This fundamentally violates the provisions of rehabilitation and resettlement laid down by the Narmada Water Dispute Tribunal Award (NWDT) for the dam to be built. The judgement also robs the people of the Narmada valley of their fundamental rights, rights to justice and dignity.


As the SC judgement violates the NWDT award, it would be important to remember the history of the interstate dispute over the dam height between the States of Gujarat, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. It would be important to know the history of the formation of the NWDT in the year 1969 under the Inter State River Water Disputes Act, 1956; the declaration of the award in December 1979; the powerful struggle called the Nimad Bachao Andolan in Madhya Pradesh against the NWDT award that had raised the dam height in favor of Gujarat; and later on, the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA). It would be important to know the role different politicians played in the history of the Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP), especially the role of Pandit Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Morarji Desai. The details of this history, the interstate disputes, the people's struggle against the dam can be reffered to here in the voices of diverse people associated with the struggle: https://oralhistorynarmada.in/early-history-of-the-movement/ 

But here is a glimpse of this history of the Dam, followed by the history of how the Sardar Sarovar Project was conceived and the formation of the NWDT as detailed in the autobiography of Late Mr. Morarji Desai titled, ‘Maru Jeevan Vrutant’ (My life account) marked in blue.  

It was in the year 1961 that the foundation of a much smaller dam than what it is now was laid in Gujarat on the river Narmada by India's first Prime Minister Pandit Nehru. The height of the dam, called the Navagam Dam back then (now the Sardar Sarovar Project) was 161 feet only, see: http://www.sardarsarovardam.org/history-of-nwdt.aspx. However Gujarat state and its politicians wanted a much higher dam on the river Narmada. This resulted into a dispute among the party states as a high dam on the Narmada in Gujarat was to submerge large tracks of fertile lands and forests in the adjacent states of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. The dispute over the height of the dam and the sharing of Narmada waters was therefore referred to a tribunal in 1969 as the state of Gujarat was not agreeable to a smaller dam. This was when the Prime Minister of India was Mrs. Indira Gandhi. It was only 10 years later in 1979 that the Narmada Water Dispute Tribunal gave its order in favor of Gujarat for a much higher dam at 455 feet when the Janta Party government was in power in India. It is a wide spread belief in the Narmada Valley that the working of the tribunal gained momentum  only after Mr. Morarji Desai from Gujarat became India's Prime Minister and the height of the dam was increased in favor of Gujarat while the Janta Party was in power. The dam got completed in 2017, also while the Bhartiya Janta Party was in power with Mr. Narendra Modi, originally from Gujarat as the Prime Minister of India.

Some of this early history is shared here as written by Mr. Morarji Desai in his autobiography translated from Gujarati to English:  


Sardar Sarovar Dam. Photo Source: Wikipedia.





Morarji Desai: "In 1947-48, it was thought to implement several irrigation projects in the State of Mumbai [Which at that time included areas of today’s Gujarat and Maharashtra]. Tapi and Narmada projects were accepted then but since statistical information was not available regarding the Narmada project that the sketch of the Narmada project could not be drawn immediately. It was decided by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and many of us to first lay out the sketch and implement the Tapi project and after that take up the Narmada Project. When this project was being planned, I was the Chief Minister of Mumbai State. I had instructed several industrialists of Ahmedabad to set up a ‘Nigam’ to give final outline to the project, to administer it and to raise necessary funds for the project. I had promised them that the management of the project would remain with them so long as the Government does not repay the amount they had invested in the project.  At that time the Narmada Project was the cheapest and yet it was not possible to pay ordinary interest. As there was poor response to this, these negotiations were abandoned. When the Mumbai Government first planned the project, as proper statistical information was not available, the height of the dam was fixed at 300 feet. In the year 1960, it was when Gujarat and Maharashtra were separated, that Shri. Jawaharlal Nehru had laid the foundation stone of the dam.



“However due to lack of funds, the construction work could not be started. Keeping in mind the States of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, in order to study the Narmada Project in-depth, the Government appointed the Khosla commission in the year 1963-64. The head of the commission Shri. Khosla was a well known engineer and an able administrator. He or any of the members of Khosla commission had nothing to do with Gujarat. The commission collected all kinds of data, kept in mind the interests of all the four concerned States[1], and seeing that the rights of none of the concerned States were affected, it took into account the utmost way in which waters of the Narmada could be utilised. While giving its final report in the year 1965-66[2], the commission recommended the height of the dam at Navagam[3] should be minimum 500 or 530 feet. Gujarat gave its consent and Rajasthan[4] also accepted this. Madhya Pradesh opposed this and did not accept this. Due to this height approximately 99,000 acres of agricultural land in Madhya Pradesh would drown in the water. Besides, Gujarat would be deprived from the future use of Narmada waters for only 150 miles where as Madhya Pradesh approximately 700 long miles. It was on these grounds that it had opposed [the height of the dam proposed by the Khosla commission]. Maharashtra where Narmada flew only over 30 miles, joined common cause with Madhya Pradesh and demanded more share in the electricity to be generated. As Madhya Pradesh opposed with fury, it was not possible to implement the project in Gujarat.



“After the fourth general elections, I rejoined the central cabinet ministers. I was not in the Government from 1963 March to 1967. As per the provisions of the constitution, in case of inter State river disputes and decisions by the States there in, the central Government did not have the rights to impose its decision on the concerned States. However the central Government had the rights to appoint a legal tribunal that would hear the petition/ appeal/request of the States and give a reasonable judgement. In order to overcome the deadlock created by Madhya Pradesh, as per the provisions of the tribunal, I requested the Prime Minister to refer this dispute to a tribunal. Smt. Gandhi had agreed to my suggestion and this question was handed over to the legal tribunal in the year 1968-69. Unfortunately Madhya Pradesh by employing several good and bad measures delayed the matter.



“In the election of 1972, Smt. Gandhi had promised the people of Gujarat to bring an early resolution of the Narmada controversy. The people of Gujarat believed that Smt. Gandhi would intervene and give her decision in August 1972...



“...the height of the dam could be kept at 530 or 500 feet but it was also that Madhya Pradesh could construct as many projects in the future as it wished. If Madhya Pradesh utilised all the Narmada waters and as a result if Gujarat did not get any water, Gujarat would not complain is what I am sure of. Yet, Madhya Pradesh was not satisfied because even if its interest were not to be compromised, it did not like that Gujarat got benefits from the Narmada project[5]. More importantly, due to the terrible floods in the Narmada, many areas like Baroda and Bharuch in Gujarat have to suffer excessive loss/damage. This can be stopped only if the height of the dam is kept at 500 feet. When more than fifty lakh acres is to be irrigated, it is not possible to ignore the voices of the 99,000 acres of submergence lands. The landowners of whose lands are to be submerged can be given other land either in Gujarat or Madhya Pradesh and they can be better placed also...


Waters of the SSP enter the villages of Madhya Pradesh submerging homes and fields in 2013. Photo Source: Rajesh Khanna (Bacchu).


“Prime Minister promised the people to bring about a quick solution to this issue, as a result the people were lured and out of 160 seats in the legislative assembly of Gujarat, they gave 140 seats to Smt. Indira Gandhi...Though the Prime Minister had promised to bring about a speedy solution, there was no solution till the year 1974. As opposed to this, she withdrew this issue from the tribunal and kept it unresolved and submitted this issue once again to the tribunal in the end of the year 1974. This is how the judgement was delayed for no reason at all. That one of the two states will have to be displeased and so decision is not being taken is what she had said. But she should have understood this from the very beginning. She should not have promised the people of Gujarat an early decision in the matter. If the Prime minister had not withdrawn this dispute for arbitration, then the tribunal may have announced its decision in the year 1974 itself...”

Rally in Baroda by the Sardar Sarovar Dam affected oustees of Gujarat. Photo Source: Not known.

It would have been interesting to know Mr. Desai’s thoughts on the events that unfolded after the year 1977 in the case of the Sardar Sarovar Dam and the NWDT award as Mr. Morarji Desai became the Prime Minister of India from 1977- 1979. Unfortunately his autobiography – “Maru Jeevan Vrutant”, covers the events only up to the year 1975. It is therefore difficult to know in the words of Mr. Morarji Desai himself from his autobiography what transpired while he was the PM in the case of the Narmada/SPP and the NWDT. However, as stated above, the people of the Narmada Valley in the submergence zone of SSP firmly believe that it was only after Mr. Desai became the Prime Minister that the NWDT gained momentum and it gave its award in favor of Gujarat allowing large scale submergence of fertile lands and rich forests in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. 

I also take this opportunity to express my faith that the people’s movement in the Narmada valley will continue as it has continued against all odds over several decades now.  Long live the struggle.


End






[1] It is important to note here that Rajasthan is not a riparian State as far as the river Narmada is concerned and yet it was made a party State in the dispute.
[2] Note that the report for such a mega project was given within one year of the formation of the Khosla commission.
[3] Navagam, a tribal village on the banks of the river Narmada, currently in the Narmada District of Gujarat was then the site of the Sardar Sarovar Dam. In fact, the Sardar Sarovar Project was also popularly called the Navagam dam.
[4] There was no land area, villages submerging due to this dam in Rajasthan.
[5] Mr. Morarji Desai belonged to Gujarat. One wonders therefore if this statement exhibits bias because Madhya Pradesh indeed had its valid reasons to oppose the 530 feet dam that was to submerge thousands of acres of agricultural land, forests and displace large number of people.

Friday, 30 September 2016

TATA, Socially Responsible!?






A news article titled ‘Tata Group, Mistry’s elephant, India’s most important business group is socially responsible but financially disappointing’,[http://www.economist.com/news/business/21707595-indias-most-important-business-group-socially-responsible-financially] published in the Indian Express dated 26 September and first published in the Economist caught my attention today. What is surprising to me is that while the financial health of the Tata Sons is being questioned in the article, the Tata group continues to enjoy social credibility in spite of its grave human rights violations for nearly a century now.

That a company like the Tata continues to enjoy social impunity and respect has got to do a lot with the explicit legitimacy conferred to it by some of the most respected individuals and institutions of the country.


The article in the Economist, reminds me of a write up that I had written in the year 2006 regarding Tata’s social conduct. I had not published the write up then as I had not yet generated my own blog. I had written the piece in the wake of Ratan Tata, the then Chairman of the Tata Sons being conferred the degree of Doctor of Literature. I reproduce the short piece here:

"7th May Sunday, 2006 news coverage in The Hindu on the conferring of the degree of Literature to Ratan Tata at the 66th Annual convocation of the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) held at Mumbai has been disturbing in many ways [http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/emulate-the-tatas-manmohan/article3129691.ece]. First and foremost, that the head of Tata group should be awarded such accolades so soon after the brutal killings of the adivasis at Kalinganagar who were protesting the construction of a wall by the Tata Company for its steel plant is bad enough. However what is more disturbing is that the degree was conferred by the most prestigious institute of social work in the country!



One did not expect this from TISS- certainly not after the brutal killings of adivasis at Kalinganagar. Although TISS has the name 'Tata' attached to it, it is after all an autonomous institution 


What is ironic is the fact that TISS felicitated Baba Amte at the same time as it did Mr. Ratan Tata. Baba Amte's ideology is diagonally opposite to that of Mr Ratan Tata. Be it the case of liberalization, privatization, globalisation, nuclear power, displacement in name of development, or in short, the very world view itself.  In fact, while Baba Amte has been a staunch anti dam activist, the Tata's had successfully crushed one of the first anti dam struggles in the country popularly known as the Mulshi Satyagraha, in Maharashtra. Had the Mulshi Satyagraha succeeded against the building up of a dam at the confluence of the Nila and the Mula Rivers by the Tatas  in the 1920s, the history of dam building in the country probably would have been different today.



One wonders therefore that who does TISS want its students to emulate -Baba Amte or Ratan Tata? It surely cannot be both at the same time.”



 
Memorial of protesting Adivasis killed at Kalinganagar. Photo source:  http://www.countercurrents.org/desai160510.htm


The accolades being showered on the Tatas is not a recent phenomenon. I wish to go back in history a little and recall that even Mahatma Gandhi showered praise on the Tatas as recorded in Mahatma Gandhi's secretary Mahadevbhai’s diary volume 8, year 1925:

“…We enjoyed the hospitality of Tata’s for two days. He showed us his township with a lot of love and even now he continues to shower immense love…When I was in South Africa, Ratan Tata had sent me huge support- he was the first to send Rs 25000, and he had written that I could ask for more if required. Therefore I am under a great obligation to the Tatas…”


That Mahatma Gandhi, a strong opponent of the kind of industrialization promoted by the Tatas should say this is indeed surprising. What is disturbing is that Gandhiji said this while the Tata Steel Plant at Jamshedpur had serious labor unrest in which many workers were killed!   Gandhiji also ignored the fierce struggle by the affected people against the Mulshi dam being built by the Tatas when he spoke so.

It is also interesting to note that while some of the mainstream and popular books on Indian history detail the struggles of people in Kheda, Bardoli, Chauri Chaura, Champaran, the strike by textile mill workers in Ahmedabad, etc. rather well, one hardly finds any reference to the powerful struggles of workers and peasants against the Tatas in Mulshi near Pune or Jamshedpur. This is in spite of the struggles having been fought around the same period before India's independence However some of the less known books on Indian history have detailed these struggles rather well and I wish to share as examples the social history of the Tatas as written in some of these books as follows:

1.     In the book ‘A steel man in India’, published in the year 1943, John L Keenan writes about the striking workers at the Tata steel in the 1920s as follows:  
  
 “…of all the changes I could perceive, the deepest was … in the attitude of the workmen in general toward the management…The old friendly spirit  of affection which our laborer had felt for his foreman had been replaced by an acute distrust not far from hate…this unhappy state of things…came about as a result of a strike. When it began, the men were not truculent; they seemed to be enjoying a well earned holiday and spent the days laughing and telling stories. Then few of them conceived it to be a great joke on the company if they should tear up the rails connecting the works and the railway station…the commanding officers of the troops which the government had sent to the area to maintain order were promptly informed of the mischief afoot…Soldiers detailed to prevent the men from destroying plant equipment ordered the prankish strikers to leave. They emphatically refused. The soldiers were ordered to load and take aim. The men, like overgrown children, laughed at the soldiers and their officers. The order was then given to fire. Thirteen strikers were killed and many more were taken to the hospital…the men did not forget the death of their fellows…”


2.     In the book titled ‘Mulshi Satyagara’, Rajendra Vohra writes the following about the struggle against the Mulshi dam being built by the Tatas in the early 1920s [translated from Marathi]: 

 “…Later, the officer [of Tata] named Anderson arrived with 20-30 workers, other seventy five workers joined him, they forcefully pushed the satyagrahis aside…By then, stone throwing began; five-six workers were injured. According to Kesri [newspaper], the company workers threw stones and injured people... By then the people of Paud [village] had assembled… The company workers were to attack the satyagrahis as well as the villagers. However they were stopped by the Mamlatdar and the police from doing so. On seeing the large assembly of villagers, the workers left…on the other side preparations for the next satyagraha were on. Six hundred people had registered their names with the Satyagraha Mandal…As per the information, the Government was to declare the area around Mulshi as prohibited area and the company [Tata] was to deploy three hundred to four hundred Pathans to stop the satyagrahis outside the area. There was a possibility that the Pathans would resort to violence. This is how both the sides were preparing themselves… on 13th April, Balukaka…and Gujar Gopal were beaten up badly…on 17th April, a lady, Rakhmai Dhamale  and two others from Maval were beaten up. On 19th apart from the workers, in order to beat up people, Goondas [hooligans] were brought in…but the satyagrahis stayed true to their pledge of non violence…when the satyagrahis tried to enter [the construction site], the workers started beating them up…next day the company goondas beat up the activists severely.  The women of Maval had to face severe insults. They were pulled by their hair and sand was thrown on them…" 


3.     In the book, ‘From Plassey to Partition’, Shekhar Bandhopadyay writes the following: 

" The Bombay Textile workers struck eight times between 1919 and 1940…And not just in Bombay, such strikes took place in Ahmedabad (1918,1923,1935, 1937), in Sholapur (1920, 1922,1934,1937), in Jamshedpur (1920,1922, 1928, 1942)…The TISCO management, wherever it found an opportunity, tried to crush the Jamshedpur Labor Association…and in this the local colonial administration was always with the management.  Even the goondas or  the hooligan elements, who were as a matter of routine patronized by the employers and hired as strike breakers, were protected by the local police officials as institutionalized tools of violence…"

4.  Mahadevbhai's Diary Volume 8 [translated from Gujarati]: 

"Jamshedpur too is not free of the pollutants that accompany an industry… Some of the difficulties were almost inevitable...At the end of ten years, the most difficult tasks that require utmost caution are being done by Indians too like the Americans and the British...but those Indians who do the same type of work probably are not being paid even half of the wages paid to the whites. We saw a skilled worker of Wells in the steel factory who lifted from a hot plate with a pair of tongs a steel sheet and placed it on other machinery skillfully, like one would turn a chapatti on a hot plate.  And we saw an Indian doing the same work equally skillfully. But both do not get equal wages… The superintendents of various departments were earlier Europeans but are now Indians and they work as skillfully as the Europeans today.  But they are not paid properly...

The city has been planned by the company’s engineers themselves. Here too due to the contracts with the white officials there is a division between the whites and the blacks…Higher officials are sitting with clubs and libraries. There is no facility for lower ranked workers…

If one looks at the life here, it can be said that western evils have had bad influences here...Two shops of local and one of English liquor has been licensed by the company itself and here thousands of rupees worth of liquor is consumed every month.  And because of the alcohol, the rate of crime is very high…

Two years’ ago there was a strike and unrest lead to firing too. However that is an old history. The situation was such that the company was not willing to recognize the union and the secretary of the union Shri Shet was also dismissed. And Mr Andrews had forced Gandhi to come in order to get the union recognized... "

While the above shows some of the incidents associated with the Tata's way or working before independence, it can be said that these have continued post India's independence too. Once again I wish to highlight a few examples here:

1.     In the year 2003, some seventy odd retrenched workers of Tata Power Company were demanding compensation or permanent jobs with the company. But when their long-standing demand fell to deaf ears, out of sheer desperation, two workers immolated themselves. One of the two workers died the same day and the other, 8 days later.

2.     The fisher people of the once calm and scenic Chilika Lake in Orissa too had to wage a tough struggle against the Tatas to be able to protect their traditional livelihood. While the Tatas ultimately withdrew from executing their plans in the lake, it left behind a troubled social-economic community. 

3.     In Orissa, at Gopalpur, two people died in police firing in the 1990s while they resisted the acquisition of land for a Tata plant. While the plant remains abandoned today, large tracks of lands acquired for the project continue to remain with the Tatas. 

4.     The brutal killing of fifteen adivasis in police firing at Kalinganagar, Orissa in the year 2006 as they protested against the boundary wall being built on their lands by the Tatas can be considered to be one of the worst cases of repression in the history of people’s struggle in Independent India.

5.      People at Singur, West Bengal waged a fierce struggle which the government tried to curb with equal force so that the Tatas could build a car plant. Although the Nano car plant was built in Gujarat subsequently, the Tatas refused to return the lands to the farmers of Bengal!  [ http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article101.html ]

6.     Not all is well at Tata’s Gujarat Nano plant either as workers strike work in 2016. [ http://www.dnaindia.com/money/report-police-detains-300-tata-nano-workers-on-strike-at-gujarat-plant-2191285]

The track record of the Tatas on the environment front too has not been good. But this shall be covered in the next post.

Therefore, while the financial health of the Tata group is being questioned in the financial circuit today, it surprises me that the group’s social conduct goes unchallenged.

End.