Karyalayas (offices) too have stories

Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and its Karyalayas/offices:

State power deliberately undermines people’s movements that get their strength from the collective- collective conviction, collective determination, collective voices, and collective resistance. Mass resistance and people’s struggles do not need foreign funds or guns. One of the most powerful people’s movements of independent India, the NBA, runs the movement from simple karyalayas (offices). The karyalayas also functioned as homes to the activists of the movement and its people. All the NBA offices were absolutely simple, many had no running water, those in the Adivasi area had no electricity. There were no cots or mattresses or chairs and tables. Activists slept on the daries and cooked simple food. It was only later that three offices had second hand computers and working tables. 

 It is from these modest offices that the NBA coordinated/

coordinates its non-violent struggle in the Narmada Valley to fight the destructive dams on the River Narmada, pushed by the authoritarian State. It is from here that the NBA fought against  powerful international institutions and brought the World Bank to its knees.  Some of the karyalayas continue to function even after several decades of resistance while there are others that may not be functional today but their stories remain alive. 

The first karyalaya of the Narmada Ghati Navnirman Samiti (NGNS) functioned from a Gandhi Asharam/school at Tavlai in Manawar district in Madhya Pradesh (MP), not far from the River Narmada. This office to challenge the large dams on the River Narmada was established by veteran Gandhians and freedom fighters like Late Shri Kashinathji Trivedi, Late Shri Baijnath Mahoday, Shri Prabhakar Mandlikji, etc. They were joined in their efforts by local farmers and social activists like Late Shri Fulchandbhai Patel who donated his land for the Tavlai Ashram, Late Shri Shobharambhai Jat, Late Shri Ambarambhai Mukati, Late Shri Surajmalji Lunkad and many others.

NGNS karyalaya at Tavlai, MP. Photo Source – Not known

Later, as the NBA grew and the number of full time activists increased, the NGNS up- karyalaya (Sub –Office) in Badwani, MP, came up. Although it became one of the main offices of the NBA it continued to be called NGNS- up-karayalaya. This karyalaya (below) was given to the NBA by a farmer Shri Badribhai Jat of village Bagud, one of the 245 submergence villages of SSP. Badribhai never charged any rent for the several years that NBA functioned out of this office.   

In the photo (on the balcony) is one of the founding members of NGNS and NBA Late Shri Shobharambhai Jat from Bagud. Photo Source: Not Known.

Later, as the office above needed renovations, one of the senior members of NBA and respected resident of Badwani, Late Shri Mahajansaab Vakil, gave his premises to be used as NBA karyalaya. It is here that NBA functioned for over two decades.

NBA karyalaya in Badwani with senior activists Joe Athialy, Chittaroopa Palit (Silvy). The person with his back to the camera is possibly Dr. Samyak of Sarvoday Press Service, Indore.

Senior women leaders of NBA, from left Rukmaniben Patidar, Kamluben Yadav (submergence village Chota Badada), one of the many young full time activists of NBA Chogalal Dawar (submergence village Kundia)

When Late Respected Baba Amte decided to shift from Anandwan to the village Choti Kasravad on the banks of the River Narmada near Badwani, his small house was built by the people of the Narmada valley with contributions from the town of Badwani. The three room house was named Nijbal, where Baba lived for over a decade with Sadhana Tai opposing the SSP. After Baba returned to Anandwan due to his and Sadhanatai’s failing health and advancing age, the premises which had been by then turned green with trees grown by Baba and his team, was managed by senior activist of the NBA Rehmat and Late Shri Gangarambhai Yadav. However the State would not have it and sealed the premises forcefully against people’s resistance. Nijbal which was once the center of resistance against SSP and other large dams in the Narmada valley, lies in dilapidated condition today.  

The legendary karyalaya of NBA named Narmada Aai, in the renowned village of Manibeli, the first Adivasi village in the submergence zone of the SSP in Maharashtra was the center of the struggle for several years in the 1990s. It is here that the Morse commission appointed by the World Bank to review SSP had its first meeting with the NBA. The people’s struggle of and at Manibeli became so well known worldwide that in recognition, a call by organizations from across the world for moratorium on funding by World Bank to large dams was named 'Manibeli Declaration'. It was Manibeli Declaration that was finally instrumental in the setting up of the World Commission on Dams. See: http://pdf.wri.org/wcd_chapter_3.pdf For more information on the struggle of Manibeli see: http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl2701/stories/19930813112.htm

Narmada Aai at Manibeli. Photo Source: Not Known.

When the Government of Maharashtra raised to the ground Narmada Aai with the aid of police, it was once again built through the popular practice of collective labor among the Adivasis called Laha. 

Narmada Aai. Photo Source : Not known

Narmada Aai would not have functioned without Late Shri Gangarambhai  Yadav (in the center in the photo above belonging to submergence village Chottabadda) giving his full time to its management and looking after hundreds of visitors every month. There were other activists who helped him. To the right, standing in the photo above is Gendalal Mujalde  – one among the many full time activists of NBA (submergence village Kundiya). In the front is one of the many international students and researchers who visited the NBA, Layla Mehta. She is now a research fellow at IDS, University of Sussex, UK. The others are Project Affected People from different villages in the Narmada Valley and members of the NBA.

Fulltime activists of NBA Shantilal Yadav and Rama Atya @ Narmada Aai

ada

Arundhati Dhuru a member of Samarpit Dal of the NBA @ Narmada Aai along with Patrick MaCully of International Rivers Network, senior member who helped NBA’s international campaign against the World Bank.

 Illegal submergence as a result of the increase in the height of the Sardar Sarovar dam without rehabilitation of the people, finally drowned Narmada Aai in the mid nineties.

The NBA karyalaya at Baroda was also one of the main centers of the struggle. Initially the Vadodara Kamdar Union (VKU) hosted NBA for several years and the NBA office ran from the VKU premises. But as NBA in Gujarat grew/spread, and the number of full time activists working in Gujarat grew, it shifted to its own (rented) office space (photo below). This was also because large number of people from the submergence villages came to the Baroda office for medical treatment. Besides, Baroda Karyalaya became the center connecting the NBA to the rest of the World. 

 

NBA activists Alok Agrawal and Kiran @ NBA office Baroda. Photo Source: Not known.

NBA activist Shripad Dharmadhikary @ NBA office Baroda with an international supporter from Japan where a successful campaign forced the Japanese Government to withdraw its aid to SSP.

It was only when this office was attacked and ransacked by goons of both the BJP and the Congress, that NBA had no choice but to get its own karyalaya as it was difficult to get any place on rent due to the fear of owners that they would be harassed by the state and other goons. Of course VKU, Swashraya, and other supporters’ offices were open to the NBA 24X7.  NBA supporters like Rameshbhai Kacholia, Vijayatai Chauhan, Late Shri Kamalakar Dharmadhikary and Late Shri K.K.Oza came together and helped financially for the purchase of the NBA office in Baroda (below):

NBA activists: Medha Patkar, Shripad Dharmadhikary, Raghu Raghuvanshi, Sukumaran Krishnan, Late Sanjay Sangvai, and NBA supporters like senior Gandhians of Gujarat Rajubhai, Deeptiben, Prof. Gautam Appa etc. 

Late Sanjay Sangvai and Deepak Yadav @ NBA Karyalaya, Baroda.

NBA had its Karyalaya in village Kevadia,  a SSP colony affected village at the house of the senior Adivasi leader of the NBA Muljibhai Tadvi. Muljibhai had lost his land to the construction of Kevadia Colony in Gujarat. It is here that full time activists like Late Shri. Tetabhai Vasave, etc worked and lived. Later, NBA had its karyalaya in the Adivasi village  Kothi at the home of the firebrand leader of the NBA Late Baliben Tadvi who also had lost her land to the project colony. It is in these simple mud and tile houses that NBA functioned from for many years in Gujarat. 

On the right, one of the senior most leaders of NBA and NAPM Devrambhai Kanera and his wife Shakuntlabhabhi, herself an important member of the NBA. On the left is the full time activist of the NBA Late Gopal Mujalde @ NBA office, Kothi. Photo: Rehmat.

 After the passing away of Baliben, the NBA karyalaya functioned from the house of senior leaders of NBA Prabhubhai Tadvi and Kapilaben Tadvi at village Waghadia also a colony affected village near the dam site.

Then, NBA had its Karayalayas in the submergence villages of Jalsindhi and Domkhedi situated in the Adivasi villages of Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. These were built by the people through the practice of Laha. The illegal submergence due to SSP drowned these karyalayas. 

Full time activists of NBA Clifton D'Rozario and possibly Late Shobha Whagh.

As the NBA case in the Supreme Court of India went on for several years in Delhi, Delhi Forum shared its office (below) in solidarity with the NBA activists who lived and worked from its premises for several years in the nineties till the majority judgment of the SC allowed the work of the dam to proceed. 

 

Photo Source: Not Known

In the photo above in Delhi Forum (DF) office where the NBA functioned, one of the finest activists that the country can have, Ashokbhai Sharma who has been supporting tirelessly peoples’ movements across the country when they come knocking at the doors of the many power centers in the Capital City.  

NBA also had its full fledged office in the premises offered by its supporters in Mumbai for several years in the nineties, that was run by full time senior activists including well known feminist writer and scholar Lata Prama. 

NBA has one of its longest running karyalayas in Dhadgao, Maharashtra. Unfortunately I do not have its photo in my collection. Currently NBA has its own office in Badwani built on land again donated by a local resident. NBA set up simple karyalayas in Mandleshwar and Khandwa,  to fight the other large dams on the River Narmada and also in the Bargi area. Again I do not have the photos in my collection.  The list here is of course not exhaustive.

The power of the movements of the marginalized and the exploited communities across the country comes from the collective resistance based on truth, conviction and determination. It is the State that has the arms and the jails and the infinite resources at its disposal – domestic, corporate and international to curb any dissent as well as people’s struggles for justice and equity. The sooner this is accepted, the better.

End. 

When It Comes to Businessmen Friends, Modi’s Gandhi Comparison Is Not so Flattering

My article on the recent reference to Mahatma Gandhi and Birla by PM Mr. Modi in The Wire:

https://thewire.in/history/when-it-comes-businessmen-friends-modis-gandhi-comparison-is-not-so-flattering

The article deals with the relationship Gandhiji shared with some of the  industrialists of the country.

The images below is that of Gandhiji at Birla house, in 1942. 

 Stafford Cripps with Mahatma Gandhi on the steps of Birla House, Delhi, 1942. Photo: WikiMedia Commons

Prayer meeting in Birla House. Photo: WikiMedia Commons. 

End.

Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay - A woman freedom fighter less acknowledged in the pages of History

Although a student of history, I must admit that I know little about Kamaladevi Chattopadyay. The fault is not entirely mine. Popular books on history throw little light on prominent women freedom fighters and important political activists.  

 This lacuna has also been highlighted by author Devaki Jain while reviewing the book- ‘A Passionate Life: Writings by and on Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay’, in EPW dated March 24, 2018. Devakiji writes, “A Passionate Life, a collection of essays on Kamaladevi Chattopadyay…puts to shame scholars of Indian political history, and those writing on Indian women’s movement…she engaged in Indian freedom struggle at the highest level, as a critic who could not be ignored…there are hardly any substantial writings by prominent  modern history scholars on her life…”

 

Kamaladevi Chattopadyay (center) leading a march during India's struggle for freedom. Photo Source: Hindustan360

One therefore has to dig in more to be able to get further information on someone like Kamaladevi who was the first woman to be jailed in Bombay Presidency to break the salt law way back in 1930[1].  And whose contribution to India’s social, economic, cultural and political sphere is extraordinary. Her life and work is of particular significance for being a woman and as a contemporary of many known figures of our freedom struggle and development history of the country.  I therefore thought it important to bring before the readers whatever little has been written or not written on Kamaladevi in some books of history I have referred to for information on her:

 

Kamaladevi (center) and Kasturba  Gandhi (right). Photo Source- Codepen

1. Mahadevbhai’s diaries: The references to Kamaladevi in the diaries are few (translated from Gujarati):Volume-14, Karachi Congress (1931): 

“…The participation of women in this struggle was appreciated everywhere and as a result the number of Congress women volunteers at the Karachi Congress was huge.  It was heard that those women on guard had forcibly presented the issue of the rights of the women volunteers. In the Congress Mahasamity also several of the women could be seen and at the time of passing an important resolution on Bhagat Singh, the one who opposed Gandhi was Shri Kamaladevi Chattopadyay. The resolution concerning equal rights to women can also be said to have come about because of these women…”

Volume-3, 27-2-1933:

 “…Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay came…It was instructed [instruction was given] to come only over the issue of untouchability and yet ... brought her in without informing her about the condition. She wanted advice from Bapu about her son. How can she who arrived, asked to go out?”

 2. Book- ‘Mridula Sarabhai, Rebel with a Cause’, by Aparna Basu:  Before looking at the reference to Kamaladevi in this book, I wish to point out what Devaki Jain further writes in EPW in her review- A Passionate Life, 

“Lal shares my view and he says that searching for documents which record or signal significant woman leaders in the independence movement, it was shocking to find her absent in most of these, and yet it was she and not Sarojini or Vijyalakshmi or even Aruna Asaf Ali who built the Congress Socialist Party. She challenged Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru critiquing their draft resolutions at the working committee meetings of the Congress party to such an extent that Gandhi warned Nehru that she was a mischievous woman and needed to be dropped from the drafting committee.”

In the book- ‘Mridula Sarabhai, Rebel with a Cause’, the following matches what Devaki Jain has written above:

 “In 1936 Jawaharlal Nehru, as president of the Congress, included in his new working committee three Congress Socialists, Acharya Narendra Deva, Jayprakash Narayan and Achyut Patwardhan. He did not however include any woman. Sarojini Naidu who was previously a member of the working committee was dropped. Mridula [Sarabhai] was deeply disappointed that of all persons, Jawaharlal should have done this and she wrote: ‘You have not been able to select even one woman member for your cabinet. None of us had imagined that such a situation will arise under your Presidentship. Not only was I surprised at such an omission but I was also pained.’  She was not upset at the exclusion of Sarojini Naidu, who, she felt ‘had done nothing actively in the Congress to bring awakening amongst women,’ but said that someone else such as Kamladevi Chattopadhyay should have been taken in.”

 3.  ‘The Autobiography of Indulal Yagnik- Volume -3’: Indulal Yagnik: on Kamaladevi:

 “Before I went to Dahod for the Bhil Conference, Nirubhai had told me that on 16 January the Congress and Congress Socialist workers had assembled at Meerut …it was decided in this meeting that the first All India Kisan Parishad would be held in the month of April in conjunction with the congress sessions. The Congress Socialist Party committee had appointed a Kisan subcommittee and the meeting  called under its auspices was attended by Kamladevi,  Jayprakash  and Mohan Lal Gautam... ever since I had come to Bombay,  Kashalchand bhai continued to write to me from Ahmedabad to find the proper president for the conference of the shop- clerks.  The name of Kamladevi who had taken a lead in Kisan organisation occurred to me and when I contacted her through my socialist friends she accepted.  Kashalchandbhai and his colleagues felt happy at the choice of this president.  Hence the impressive conference of the shop –clerks assembled in Ahmedabad on 12th and 13th March under the presidency of Kamladevi.  She made a spirited speech about the demands of the shop-clerks’ wages, holidays and hours of leave.  For implementing them she called on the entire world of shop-clerks to give support to the - Bakhle-Bill...12 years had passed since I attended the congress session of 1924, I knew only a few congressmen and socialists. Fortunately, comrade Jamaluddin Bukhari whom I knew from Bombay introduced me to several people and arranged for my refreshments.  The top leaders in Congress resented my relations with the Socialists and therefore I kept away from them, but I met Meherali  Batliwala  and other friends from Bombay,  and Kamladevi who had taken the initiative in calling the Kisan Sabha.  I had seen her several years before in the Excelsior theatre in Bombay playing a role on stage along with Rabindranath Chattopadhyay.  Later on I also met her in the non acceptance of office campaign in Bombay.  Now talking at leisure with her about kisans, I was impressed by her serious and powerful personality...during these days the meeting of the Central Kisan Committee was held.  The president and the secretaries, Kamladevi and Jayaprakash attended.  The committee made a demand to pass new pro-kisan laws regarding rent and the land revenue quickly ...and  pass laws cutting down the debt to the sahukars ...”

 4.   ‘Leftism in India 1917 – 1947’, by Satyabrata Rai Chowdhuri: 

“...At Karachi, although the left wing had decided to not to approve the Gandhi –Irwin Pact, they refrained from precipitating a split…among the various socialist groups formed during this period, the most important were those in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Bombay and Punjab….In Bombay similar groups were formed by eminent Socialists such as Yusuf Meherally, M.R. Masani, Achyut Patwardhan and Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya…The idea of the Congress Socialist Party first took shape in the Nashik Jail....came to realise that it was only by forming an effective opposition bloc inside the Congress that the drift to neo-constitutionalism could be prevented and the nationalist movement resuscitated to a revolutionary purpose and with a mass base...The South Indian Federation of Peasants to explore the possibilities of forming an all- India organisation from whose platform the peasants could fight for their class demands…it was also decided that the representatives of all peasants’ organisations would meet in another conference at Meerut in January 1936. The Meerut Conference held under the presidency of Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, outlined the aims and objectives of the peasant movement and formed an organising committee with N.G. Ranga, Mohanlal Gautam and Jayprakash Narayan as secretaries…from the moment of its inception, the All India Kisan Congress was subjected to pull and pressures from the right and the left. Right wing leaders of the Congress...viewed the formation of a separate peasants’ organisation with misgivings...explaining why the Kisan Congress was formed outside the Congress, Narendra Dev observed that at many places the Congress was controlled by professional men, merchants and city money lenders and as they could not identify with the rural population they could not be expected to safeguard the interests of the peasantry... ”

 5. ‘Women In India’s Freedom Struggle’,  by Manmohan Kaur: 

“...Kamala Devi joined the Congress Socialist Party in 1934 and presided over its All India Conference at Meerut the very next year...after India attained independence, Kamala Devi’s interest was diverted from politics to cooperative movement. She sponsored the Indian cooperative union...”

  

Although Kamaladevi seems to be at the forefront of Congress Socialist Party and promoting several crucial causes including those of the workers, women and peasants, she is not given the place she deserves in the pages of history.

1. In the book, ‘India’s struggle for Independence’, by Bipan Chandra, I could not find any reference to Kamaladevi in the Index. In the book Bipan Chandra writes, 

“The Congress met at Karachi on 29 March 31 to endorse the Gandhi- Irwin or the Delhi Pact.  Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru had been executed 6 days earlier.  Even though Gandhiji had made every attempt to save their lives there was anger among the people especially the youth, and as to why he had not refused to sign the Pact on this question. All along Gandhiji’s route to Karachi he was greeted with black flag demonstrations.  The Congress passed a resolution drafted by Gandhiji by which it, ‘ while disassociating itself from and disapproving of political violence  in any shape or form,’ admired the bravery and sacrifice of the three Martyrs.’ The Congress endorsed the Delhi Pact…”

In this book by Bipin Chandra,  there is no reference to Kamaladevi’s opposition to the resolution as noted in Mahadevbhai’s diary above.  Similarly, the Congress Socialist Party, its work among the peasants and working class, its ideology and its members like Jayprakash Narayan,   Acharya Narendra Dev, Minoo Masani are detailed at length in the book. But Kamaladevi, her work and role in the Congress Socialist Party or with peasants and workers find no reference. 

2.      In the book titled, ‘From Plassey to Partition- A history of Modern India’, by Shekhar Bandhopadhyay, once again I could not find any reference to Kamaladevi in the Index or in the write up about Congress Socialist Party and Kisan Sabhas. 

3.   In the book titled, ‘India after Gandhi, the history of world’s largest democracy’, by Ramchandra Guha, Kamaladevi has been referred to as follows:

 “The bulk of the migrants from West Punjab were farmers…to accommodate them the Government built brand new townships…among the groups active here was the Indian Cooperative Union (ICU) an organisation headed by Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay, a socialist and feminist who had been closely associated with Mahatma Gandhi.” And later, while writing about the problem of refugees and their rehabilitation, “…Thus it came to be that the heroes remembered in these pages were all Indians- whether politicians like Nehru and Patel, bureaucrats like Tarlok Singh and V.P. Menon or social workers like Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay and Mridula Sarabhai.”

Although Guha talks about the Socialist Party, Kamaladevi as one of its important leaders is absent in the pages.

To conclude: Kamaladevi’s role as an important freedom fighter, her differences with the Congress party and taking up leadership role in the Congress Socialist Party, her role in the struggles and organisations of peasants and workers, is generally absent from the popular books of history. So also her contribution and work as the chair person of All India Handicrafts Board for seventeen years, or her role in Bhartiya Natya Sangh, Sangeet Natak Academy, etc has not been highlighted. 

One therefore looks forward to books that are based on in-depth research on women freedom fighters and political activists of our country.

End

---

[1] Book: Women Pioneers In India’s Renaissance, National Book Trust

Insights from the Annual Conference, Oral History Association of India, Gauhati, Assam

The third Annual Conference on Public Memory and Oral History was organized on the 13^th and 14^th of November 2017 by the Oral History Association of India https://ohaindia.wordpress.com/ and the Department of History, Gauhati University, Assam. This conference was a significant gathering of esteemed historians, scholars, researchers and students of history where there was free exchange of ideas as well as discussions on various issues concerning oral history, its significance and the challenges the discipline faces.

Oral history can be understood as “a method of conducting historical research through recorded interviews between a narrator with personal experience of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of adding to the historical record.” (Source: https://guides.library.ucsc.edu/oralhist). The oral history association defines oral history as: “Oral history is a field of study and a method of gathering, preserving and interpreting the voices and memories of people, communities, and participants in past events.”

The practice of oral history is growing in India and its role and importance increasing. The participation of delegates from across the country reflected this at the conference.  Inaugurating the conference, the Honorable Vice Chancellor of Gauhati University, Dr. Mridul Hazarika, while elaborating on the significance of oral history said, “oral history will take a central position in history in the days to come. Oral history recognizes the role of those people who appear to be least significant”. He also emphasized that the privileged section of the society is a small component and it cannot write and rewrite history without taking on board the underprivileged people’s history.

Similar sentiment was expressed in the presidential address by Professor Meeta Deka, former head of the department of history, Guwahati University and the President of OHAI.  She emphasized that “oral history is the repository of those not in power”. She also pointed out that the history of ethnic communities across the world is largely oral. 

The founding member of OHAI and its ex-president Professor P K Srivastava in his address at the conference said that, “history when started was oral. Memory was history till the nineteenth century”. This fact has also been highlighted in an article by Deshpande, Anirudh (2017) ‘Past, Present and Oral History’ in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol LII No 29, pp 38-42. The author states, “Till the 19^th century, when the modern classroom and the seminar emerged in European Universities, non-professional historians wrote history”. 

Further highlighting the significance of the discipline of oral history, renowned oral historian Allessandro Portelli, also a professor of Anglo-American literature at the University of Rome La Sapienza, narrated as follows: “Oral history gains significance with the increasing mistrust of the official history. Oral history is the history of the marginalized. Oral history is respectful of people’s ability to speak, it respects the freedom of expression, it is proud of people’s heritage and recognizes the ability of people to be authors and creators”. 

There were several interesting presentations by scholars who have adopted the discipline of oral history to further their work, research and to increase the knowledge of history. Their work showed that oral history not only fills the gaps but brings in new knowledge and perspective to history.  The power and the strength of oral history as a discipline as well as its unique characteristics could be gauged from the following presentations at the conference. 

Professor Shiela Bora, senior historian who has taught at the university of Gauhati and who has taught women’s history at Harvard University, talked of how little was known of Kanaklata Barua in spite of being one of the youngest martyrs of the freedom movement of India. Kanaklata fell to British bullets in the Quit India movement of 1942 while trying to hoist the tricolor at Gohpur police station in Assam. Professor Bora talked of almost complete absence of written documents or archives concerning Kanaklata in spite of hers being a very brave and a unique struggle. She narrated how it was the medium of oral history that allowed her to reconstruct the account of Kanaklata’s courageous life in absence of other sources.  This account is now published by National Book Trust as part of its series on women pioneers of the country.  

Similarly Professor Indira Chowdhury, senior and founding member of OHAI, presented her work of oral history furthering the history of partition of India and Bangladesh. Professor Chowdhury explained how oral history was important in the reconstruction of not just the events but the impact of partition on people and communities as there is very little known about this momentous event in the country that impacted deeply the lives of large number of people.

Professor Fleur D’Souza who was the head of the department of history, St. Xavier College, Mumbai, presented a paper titled ‘Oral History as a pedagogical tool’. She narrated her own experience in getting students interested in the subject of history through the use of oral history as a tool. In different years, she selected different topics that were less explored and encouraged students to increase their knowledge through oral history accounts of the people. Some of the topics explored by her students included the history of the Sindhi community in Mumbai, the forgotten history of the Mumbai riots soon after the demolition of the Babri Masjid, etc. She also talked of the responsibility of giving back to the community from where the oral source is collected and the sense of responsibility that is generated among the students towards the community through the discipline of oral history.  

Besides this, there were several other papers that were presented at the conference that highlighted oral history as an important tool in the study of the past. 

The presenters and the participants at the conference also discussed the many concerns and challenges faced by oral history as a discipline. One of the main concerns raised uniformly was that academic historians in general disregard and do not recognize the method of oral history as being professional, as having academic rigor and or as being reliable. In fact, the founding member of OHAI, Professor P K Srivastava in his presentation referred to history as ‘professional history’ as distinguished from ‘oral history’. When asked as to why he makes this distinction he said, “This is because historians do not consider oral history of significance”. 

However Professor Deka stressed that “in the past few decades public memory as a tool and a source has become very popular not only in writing public history but also in the humanities, social sciences and the term is used in disciplines like architecture, communication studies, gender studies, English, history, philosophy, political science, religion and sociology”. 

The other issue that was discussed, although inconclusively was about the need for standardizing the methodology of oral history particularly in the Indian context. Professor Rena Laisram highlighted that although significant, “oral history methodology has remained at the margins of social science research and one of the reasons is the lack of a clear frame work”. Professor Rajib Handique presented a paper on methodological issues of oral history and ways to institutionalize as well as streamline oral history. But a consensus could not emerge about whether the discipline of oral history requires institutionalizing a standard methodology and how.

Having worked in documenting the oral history of the struggle around the Sardar Sarovar Narmada Dam for the past ten years, I feel the need for both - to have some standardized approaches and practices of oral history, and at the same time maintain flexibility to cater to different situations. Further, there is a need for developing oral history practices and approaches appropriate for the Indian context. Currently oral history has not been duly recognized and given the professional status it deserves in India, and this has often led researchers, students and oral history scholars in India to depend many times upon the practices that have evolved and developed in the West.

For example in the west emphasis may be given to the quality of sound and it may also be recommended that the recording could be done in a studio. However in a country like India with its size and diversity, it may not always be possible for an oral historian to avail the facility of a studio while recording.  Besides, ambient sound may be of significance particularly in recording the history of certain communities. In my recordings of the oral history of Adivasi leaders of the Narmada movement, which were done in their own villages, the ambient sounds of farming operations, farm animals, chicken and hens, etc. added a very different dimension. 

 

Interview (Oral History) Recording of Shankerbhai Kagda, Senior Adivasi Leader of Narmada Bachao Andolan. Photo: Nandini Oza

Some discussions were initiated at the conference to develop a repository of the oral history that is being generated in the country, and this issue needs further thought and attention.  

 

Senior Adivasi Leaders of Narmada Bachao Andolan listening to Oral History as Narrated by their own Community Leaders of the Struggle. Photo: Nandini Oza

To conclude, the conference made a strong case for the discipline of oral history to be given the place of importance and be recognized as an important source of history. This is particularly true for a country like India because otherwise Adivasi, Dalit, working class, women and the history of the marginalized will remain incomplete.

End

Review of LaDha Narmadecha (Struggle for Narmada) in Saamana-Daily Marathi Newspaper

Translation of the Review by Ganesh Udawant,  Oct 29, 2017

Oral History of the Narmada Struggle

Review – Ganesh Udawant

Recently, that is in September 2017, the Sardar Sarovar Project on the river Narmada was dedicated to the nation. The book “LaDha Narmadecha” by writer Nandini Oza has come before the readers just ahead of that. This book is the extended interviews of two main adivasi/tribal activists of the Narmada Bachao Andolan, namely Keshavbhau Vasave and Kevalsingh Vasave.

Adivasis from the three states of Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat were to be displaced by the huge dam on the Narmada River.  A group consisting of Medha Patkar and some activists associated with her carried out studies of the dam affected areas for the first time in 1985. During this, they realized that the government is neglecting the resettlement of the affected Adivasi people. 

The “Narmada Bachao Andolan” slowly emerged from this, and gathered strength from 1990 onwards. The author or the interviewer who asked questions to two main leaders of the Andolan and gathered information from them, herself had become a part of this work from 1990 itself. 

The region of Saurashtra in Gujarat is a water scarce area. The idea originated in the mind of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel that if the Narmada River which originates in Madhya Pradesh and from the border of Maharashtra enters Gujarat and meets the western sea could be dammed with a huge dam, then entire Gujarat including Saurashtra could be benefitted. But Sardar Patel passed away in Dec 1950; just three years after the country became independent. 

But Pandit Nehru himself was convinced of the idea that there should be a dam on the Narmada River. Panditji had envisioned the Russian model for the development of India. His dream was to make India modern and advanced by building huge factories, large dams, and massive projects. So the Narmada project was inaugurated (sic) at the hands of Panditji himself in April 1961. It was named “Sardar Sarovar Project” in memory of Sardar Patel. 

Now it is not only the state of  Gujarat that will get the benefits of this project, but Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Gujarat and even Rajasthan will get water and electricity from this project.

But this was not acceptable to Medha Patkar and other protestors. Their extreme and aggressive stand is that this dam should not be built. Many other groups of people like writer Arundhati Roy, actor Aamir Khan, director Anand Patwardhan etc. are with them. From this, we can gather that all these protestors are of leftist orientation. 

From the questions too which Nandini Oza has asked the two leaders of the andolan, Keshavbhau and Kevalsingh, we can understand that these leftist people keep attempting to push their ideological agenda. Be as that may be, but this narration by two activists directly involved in the andolan is an important oral document. Nandini Oza has done an important work by transcribing it. Future historians writing the history of the Narmada project and committed activists working for the real upliftment of Adivasis will be able to draw lessons as appropriate from it.

Ladha Narmadecha

Author – Nandini Oza

Publisher – Rajhans Prakashan

Pages – 270 Price – Rs. 340

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