जगन्‍नाथ काका : आंदोलन के शरुआती दिन

 जगन्‍नाथ (काका) पाटीदार, (डूब प्रभावित गाँव कुंडिया, जिला बड़वानी) के अवसान की खबर जब आई तब मानो नर्मदा बचाओ आदोलन की नींव ही हिल गई। सरदार सरोवर के पूरे डूब क्षेत्र में “काका” के नाम से जाने वाले जगन्नाथ पाटीदार और उनका परिवार नर्मदा बचाओ आन्दोलन का प्रथम परिवार रहा है, यह कहने में कोई झिझक नहीं। शायद ही किसी ने निमाड़ की धरती पर सरदार सरोवर बाँध का आधी सदी से ज्यादा वक्त तक कमर कसके विरोध किया हो। काका का बाँध विरोधी संघर्ष 1970 के दशक में ही चालू हो गया था जो उनके अंतिम दम यानी 17 सितम्बर 2020 को जब बाँध का पानी उनके घर में दूसरी बार घुसा तब तक आंदोलन के प्रखर नारे “कोई नहीं हटेगा, बाँध नहीं बनेगा” के साथ जारी रहा। काका ने कभी भी न तो अपने गाँव कुंडिया को छोड़ा और न ही अपने घर, खेत का मुआवजा लिया। काका उन कुछ परिवारों में से है जिन्होंने अपने घर का सर्वे तक नहीं करवाया।

आज जब काका नहीं रहे, तब सरदार सरोवर बाँध के विरोध की उनकी लड़ाई, जो निमाड़ में 1970 के दशक से ही चालू हो गई थी और जिसे उन्होंने अपने जुबानी इतिहास के रूप में दर्ज की है, का एक अंश यहाँ पेश कर रही हूँ। अक्सर इस प्रकार के जन आंदोलनों का इतिहास प्रभावित अथवा संघर्ष करने वाले व्यक्ति खुद ना तो बताते अथवा लिखते हैं जबकि यह इतिहास उनके द्वारा बेहद गहराई से देखा, जाना और जिया गया होता है।  अपने इस मौखिक इतिहास में काका एक प्रचलित मान्यता से अलग इतिहास बताते हैं कि सरदार सरोवर का बड़ा बाँध जवाहरलाल नेहरु की देन है।

जगान्नाथ का का मोखिक इतिहास....

 

सरदार सरोवर डेम. फोटो: NBA

 

 

आ. जगन्नाथ (काका) पाटीदार फोटो क्रेडिट: नंदिनी ओजा

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

जगन्नाथ (काका) पाटीदार:

 

 “1962-63 में ही मुझे सरदार सरोवर बाँध के बारे में जानकारी मिलने लगी थी। उन दिनों निमाड़ में यह चर्चा आम थी कि नर्मदा पर बाँध बनने वाले हैं। गुजरात और मध्यप्रदेश सरकारों के बीच बाँध की ऊँचाई को लेकर सहमति नहीं थी। मध्यप्रदेश सरकार हरणफाल में बाँध बनाने के पक्ष में थी। जबकि गुजरात सरकार 530 फूट ऊँचा सरदार सरोवर बनाना चाहती थी। हालांकि नेहरु जी के समय गुजरात में 210 फूट ऊँचा बाँध बनाने की मंजूरी दी गई थी। नेहरु जी ने ही इस 210 फूट ऊँचा बाँध का नवागाम में शिलान्यासस किया था जिसका शिलालेख आज भी वहाँ लगा हुआ है। बाँध की ऊँचाई पर आम सहमति बनाने के लिए संबंधित राज्यों के मुख्यमंत्रियों की चर्चा लंबे समय तक चलती रही। गुजरात की 530 फूट ऊँचाई की माँग पर अड़े रहने के कारण इस चर्चा का कोई हल नहीं निकल पाया।

इस दौरान भी जारी गतिविधियों की खबरें अखबारों से मिलती रहती थी और हम उसकी प्रतिक्रिया में विरोध करते रहते थे। हम राजधानी भोपाल तक जाते थे, प्रदर्शन करते थे, विधानसभा में घुसने की कोशिश करते थे, गिरफ्तारियाँ भी देते थे। संघर्ष के दौरान मैने भी कई बार गिरफ्तारी दी थी।

जब मध्यप्रदेश में प्रकाशचंद्र सेठी मुख्यमंत्री थे तब उन्होंने 465 फूट का प्रस्ताव रखा था जो बहुत ज्यादा था। हालांकि गुजरात 530 फूट बांध की ऊँचाई पर अड़ा हुआ था। अखबार से हमें जब यह बात पता चली तो दोनों ही पार्टियों (कांग्रेस और जनसंघ) के लोग इसका विरोध करने के लिए भोपाल गए। विधानसभा के सामने प्रदर्शन था। पुलिस ने प्रदर्शनकारियों को रोकने की कोशिश की। इस दौरान करीब 10 हजार प्रदर्शनकारियों ने गिरफ्तारियाँ दी। गिरफ्तारी के बाद उसी स्थान पर 4-5 कोर्टें लगाकर सभी को 3-3 दिनों की सजा सुनाई गई। लेकिन जेल में उपलब्ध जगह के अनुसार सबको अलग-अलग जगहों पर भेजा गया। इस इलाके के 300-400 लोगों को इंदौर में रखा गया था जिनमें मैं भी शामिल था। इसके पहले गोविंद नारायण सिंह जब मुख्यमंत्री थे तब भी हम एक बार प्रतिनिधिमंडल लेकर गए थे। सिंधिया भी थी और जब मिली जुली सर्कार बनी थी और जनता पार्टी की सर्कार थी तभी हमने विरोध जारी रखा।

आ. जगन्नाथ (काका) पाटीदार फोटो क्रेडिट: रेहमत

 

हमारे निमाड़ क्षेत्र को डुबाने के लिए जो भी सरकार बाँध की ऊँचाई बढ़ाने का प्रयास करती, हम उसका विरोध करते थे। हमारी माँग थी कि सरदार सरोवर बाँध की ऊँचाई वही 210 फूट रखी जाए जिसका नेहरु जी ने शिलान्यास किया था। जब राज्य सरकारें इस मामले को हल नहीं कर पाई तो तत्कालीन प्रधानमंत्री इंदिरा गाँधी से हस्तक्षेप की माँग की गई। प्रधानमंत्री ने राजनैतिक लाभ-हानि का आंकलन किया। गुजरात या मध्यप्रदेश किसी को भी वे नाराज नहीं करना चाहती थी इसलिए इस मामले को उन्होंने एक ट्रिब्यूनल को सौंप दिया।

आज कई सामाजिक संगठन हैं जो इस तरह के मामलों में आवाज़ उठाते हैं। लेकिन, उन दिनों आज की तरह कोई सामाजिक संगठन इस संघर्ष से जुड़ा हुआ नहीं था। राजनैतिक दल ही यह लड़ाई लड़ रहे थे। लड़ाई जनता से मिले चंदे से ही लड़ी गई। पहले जनसंघ और बाद में नर्मदा ट्रिब्यूनल अवार्ड पारित होने के बाद कांग्रेस और जनसंघ दोनों इस मुद्दे पर साथ आई। तब भी लड़ाई जनता के पैसों से ही लड़ी गई। विरोध प्रदर्शनों में शामिल होने का अपना खर्च हम खुद उठाते थे। आंदोलन का यह दौर जब शुरु हुआ तब मेरे जैसे कुछ ऐसे कार्यकर्ता भी इससे जुड़े रहे जो पिछले दौर की लड़ाई से जुड़े थे तथा उन्हें मुद्दों की समझ थी।

इंदिरा गांधीने ट्रिब्यूनल बिठाया और ट्रिब्यूनल ने तिन-चार साल जाच परख करने के बाद यह हुआ की सरकारों का बहुत दबाव आने लगा था और जनता पार्टी सर्कार आ गई थी, तब केन्द्र में मोराजी देसाई प्रधान मंत्री थे। और मध्यप्रदेश में जनसंघ के वीरेन्द्र कुमार सकलेचा मुख्यमंत्री बने थे। (नर्मदा जलविवाद न्यापयाधिकरण का गठन अक्टूबर 1969 को किया गया था जिसने अपनी रपट दिसंबर 1979 को प्रस्तुत की जब प्रधानमंत्री चौधरी चरण सिहं थे )

प्रधानमंत्री मोरारजी देसाई को गुजरात का फायदा करना था। बांध लंबे समय से रुका हुआ था। मोरारजी देसाई प्रधान मंत्री बने और उन्होंने ट्रिब्यूनल पर दबाव डालकर गुजरात के हित में बाँध की 455 फूट ऊँचाई पर फैसला करवा लिया। सत्ता मिलने के बाद वीरेन्द्र कुमार सकलेचा भी उनके साथ हो लिए थे। हैरत की बात थी कि मध्यप्रदेश में सरदार सरोवर का विरोध करती रही जनसंघ के मुख्यमंत्री ने भी पाला बदलकर बाँध का समर्थन शुरु कर दिया था। ट्रिब्यूनल ने कागजों और जूठे आधार पर फेसला दिया।

ऊपर के नेतृत्व का सरदार सरोवर समर्थक भूमिका का असर नीचे भी पड़ा। तब हमारे क्षेत्र (बड़वानी) के उमरावसिंह पटेल मध्यप्रदेश में मंत्री बने थे। पार्टी नेतृत्व् ने उन्हें भी दबा दिया था। इससे क्षेत्र में चर्चा चलने लगी थी कि तुम्हारी बाँध विरोधी पार्टी (जनसंघ) का आदमी इस जरुरत के समय यहाँ क्यो नहीं है। उन्हें इस समय यहाँ होना चाहिए था। इसके बाद बड़वानी में एक बड़ी मीटिंग हुई। दोनों पार्टियों के लोग इसमें शामिल हुए। साथ में लड़ने का निर्णय लिया गया। मुख्यमंत्री से मिलने आदि की चर्चा होने लगी। फि‍र भोपाल गए और फि‍र गिरफ्तारियाँ दी। धाँधल चलती रही ।

फिर जनसंघ के ही बाबुलाल सेन (ओझर) ने बड़वानी में पुराने कलेक्टर कार्यालय के सामने अनिश्चितकालीन अनशन शुरु कर दिया। उन्होंने कहा मैं कभी बाँध बनने नहीं दूँगा। सरदार सरोवर मेरी पीठ पर ही बनेगा। उनके अनशन को भी भारी समर्थन मिला था, पूरा मैदान पब्लिक से भरा रहेता था। लेकिन वे केवल 3-4 दिन ही अनशन कर पाए। जब सरकार का दबाव आया तो वे एक रात अचानक गायब हो गए।

फिर यहाँ की पुब्लिक ने हंगामा किया - बड़वानी के काशीराम काका, रामलाल मुकाती, मदन मामा आदि कांग्रेसी नेताओं ने बाँध पर ट्रिब्यूनल के फैसले और जनसंघ के नेताओं द्वारा अपनी बाँध विरोधी भूमिका बदलने को साजिश बताया। एक बार जब उमरावसिंह पटेल बड़वानी आए तो कोंग्रेस ने सर्किट हाउस में भारी हंगामा किया, पथराव हुआ। लाठी चार्ज हुआ। करीब साल-डेढ़ साल यह दौर चला और खत्म हो गया।

तब जनता पार्टी की सरकार थी और हमारे नेताओं ने समझाया कि विरोध मत करों, तुम्हें खूब मुआवजा मिलेगा। जमीन के बदले जमीन मिलेगी। डूब भी ज्यादा नहीं आएगी। डूब सिर्फ नर्मदा किनारे के गड्ढों और नालों तक ही सीमित रहेगी। फि‍र हमने उमरावसिंह से पूछा कि हमें यह तो पता होना चाहिए कि आखिर पानी आएगा कहाँ तक? इस पर दो दिनों के भीतर आनन फानन कुछ स्थानों पर बाँस बल्लियाँ लगाई गई थी। बाद में वहीं पर डूब के पत्थर गाड़े गए। हमें बताया गया कि पानी इन बल्लियों से एक इंच भी आगे नहीं जाएगा। वैसे तो पानी इनसे बहुत दूर रहेगा लेकिन अतिवृष्टि या आपात स्थिति में ही यहाँ तक पहुँच सकता है। और सब ठन्डे होकर बेठ गये।

और अब आगे का याद आया! बाँध विरोधी रणनीति बनाने के लिए कोटेश्वर (निसरपुर) में एक शिविर रखा था। 3-4 दिन चले इस शिवरि में मैं भी शामिल था। इस शिविर में गुजरात के गाँधीवादी हरिवल्लभ पारिख भी आए थे। हरिवल्लभ पारिख का आश्रम भी एक बाँध से डूबने वाला था जिसे उन्होंने विरोध कर रुकवाया था। उन्होंने काफी जोर लगाकर फिर नई कार्यकारिणी समिति बनवाई जिसमें पारसमल करनावट, अंबाराम मुकाती, शोभाराम जाट आदि शामिल थे। ये लोग पहले कभी गुजरात में हरिवल्लभ जी के आश्रम में गए थे और हरिवल्लरभ जी को डूब क्षेत्र में आने का निमंत्रण देकर आए थे। इस समिति के अध्यक्ष काशीनाथ दादा त्रिवेदी तथा कोषाध्यक्ष पारसमल करनावट थे। इन्होंने गाँवों से चंदा जमा कर सुप्रीम कोर्ट में याचिका भी दायर की थी जो तकनीकी कारण से खारिज हो गई थी..."

 

जगन्नाथ काका द्वारा बताया गया मौखिक इतिहास लम्बा है जिसमें उन्होंने नर्मदा बाँध को लेकर आगे के संघर्ष की बात भी विस्तार से बताई है। परन्तु लेख की शब्द सीमा के कारण अभी बस इतना ही।

नंदिनी ओझा

(ट्रांसक्रिप्शन/‍लिप्‍यांतरण और संक्षिप्‍तिकरण : रेहमत, मंथन अध्ययन केंद्र, और नर्मदा बचाओ आन्दोलन के कार्यकर्ता )  

नंदिनी ओझा नर्मदा बचाओ आन्दोलन  की कार्यकर्ता रही हैं और पिछले डेढ़ दशकों से नर्मदा बचाओ आन्दोलन के मौखिक इतिहास पर काम कर रही है। वे फ़िलहाल ओरल हिस्ट्री एसोसिएशन ऑफ़ इंडिया की अध्‍यक्ष हैं। अधिक जानकारी के लिए देखे: https://oralhistorynarmada.in/

 

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Oral History and Activism/ People's Movements - Importance and Challenges

Presentation at the 5th Annual Oral History Conference- Oral History Association of India (OHAI),

 Max Mueller Bhavan, Mumbai 1-2 March 2020

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Oral History holds a place of particular significance when it comes to activism and people's movements or mass (non - violent) resistance. 

Photo: Champaben Tadvi by Nandini Oza

To begin with, it is important to understand what activism means.

Activism consists of efforts to promote, direct or intervene in social, political, economic or environmental reform with a desire to make changes in society. (Wikipedia)

Activism is direct and noticeable action to achieve result usually a political or social one. (Cambridge Dictionary)

What is significant is that people carry out mass struggles in order to achieve social, political, economic, environmental equity and justice. 

Narmada Bachao Andolan Program at Hapeshwar. Photo Credit: Shripad Dharmadhikary.

It is also important to understand how history as a discipline is understood by activists and those who are part of people's movements. While History is study/record of the past events, activist and people's movements see history as: 

“Usually written by victors”

This is best explained by a well known Novelist from Africa, Chinua Achebe:

"Until the lions have their own histories, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter."  

A popular saying in Africa helps understand it better: 

"Until the history of Africa is told by Africans, the story of greatness will always glorify the imperialists."

Oral History Recording at Village Koliyari. Photo Credit: Shripad Dharmadhikary.

This is precisely when oral history gains significance when it comes to activism and people's movements. To understand oral history as a discipline better, Cambridge Dictionary explains it as: 

"Information about a historical event or period that is told by people who have experienced it.”

 Thus, oral history is an important medium in activism/movements as it helps study and record the history of the struggles of the marginalized, exploited and/ or the silenced in the voices of the people who have been a part of the struggle themselves. And as discussed in the book, 'Say It Forward-A Guide to Social Justice Story Telling by Cliff Mayotte and Claire Kaifer',  oral history: 

" harnesses the power of personal narrative to expose larger issues of inequality.”

What is important is that oral history also challenges the mainstream history of a nation/state or the history of dominant forces and or the history by those in power by people struggling for justice and equity. To explain this better, take the example of the Tata Central Archive located in Pune, India which displays prominently in the archive and its website information on the various Tata companies and Tata luminaries with digital and print documents, photographs, the awards and medals received by Tata luminaries, audio and Video recordings of speeches of people related to Tata companies and its founding members.  For details see:

http://www.tatacentralarchives.com/ 

On the other hand it would be difficult to find information in as much detail of the many struggles against the Tata companies and projects by workers, tribals, farmers and other natural resources based communities, not only in the Tata archives but anywhere else too. This information concerning many straggles against the Tata companies will have to be dug out from different sources. It would be important to take note of some of the very important struggles against the Tatas here:

 The first anti dam struggle in India and possibly in the world was in the early 1920s against the Mulshi dam built by the Tatas near Pune. Several affected people who resisted the dam were beaten and jailed, including women. Freedom fighter Senapati Bapat one of the leaders of the anti dam movement was also jailed for several years. It was in face of severe repression and massive displacement that the Mulshi dam was completed by the Tatas in midst of powerful people's resistance. Although not an oral history, an excellent history of the struggle has been fortunately well documented in a book by Rajendra Vohra titled "Mulshi Satyagraha" in Marathi and translated into English:

https://www.amazon.in/Worlds-First-Anti-Dam-Movement-Satyagraha-ebook/dp/B07DNZK61R: 

Then there was the powerful struggle of workers in the Tata Company at Jamshedpur in the early 1920s where 13 workers were killed in the police firing. For more details about this struggle see: 

https://nandinikoza.blogspot.com/search?q=Jamshedpur

Then the struggle by the tribals at Kalinga Nagar in Orissa against the the acquisition of  their lands, forests, villages and homes for a Tata company in which 14 tribals were killed in police firing which included three women. For more details see: 

https://www.downtoearth.org.in/news/urbanisation/tribals-observe-13th-anniversary-of-kalinga-nagar-firing-62658

The list of struggles against the Tatas is long- be it at Gopalpur or at the Nano car factory in Singur, West Bengal where natural resources dependent communities have been forcefully displaced in the name of development considered necessary and for national interest. While displacement due to natural disaster, industrial disasters, political persecution like at the time of partition, etc  is considered unjust and painful, the displacement of tribals and farmers for such "developmental" projects is considered in national interest and sacrifice of the already marginalised expected. Any opposition by the victims of development is considered anti- development and even anti-national.

Similarly, the dominant discourse that dams are temples of modern India continue to find place of significance in archival records, particularly official/government records and dams continue to be built displacing large numbers of people, at heavy cost of environment even today. But it is difficult to find, particularly in the official records the details of the many people's movements against large dams right from the time of Mulshi satyagraha to the silent valley struggle or the struggle against the Tehri and the Narmada dams that have challenged the notion of dams as temples of modern India.    

This is true when it comes to struggles around social and economic issues too. It is in such situations that oral history gains significance in recording the voices of people active in struggles for social - economic equity and justice.  The significance of oral history when it comes to the voices of the people is explained well by eminent scholars:

* Dr. Mridul Hazarika, Vice Chancellor, Guwahati University:

“Oral history will take a central position in history in the days to come. Oral history recognizes the role of those people who appear to be least significant”.(3rd OHAI Annual Conference, Gauhati)

*Oral historian Allessandro Portelli says:

“Oral history gains significance with the increasing mistrust of the official history. Oral history is the history of the marginalised. Oral history is respectful of people’s ability to speak, it respects the freedom of expression, it is proud of people’s heritage and recognizes the ability of people to be authors and creators” (3rd OHAI Annual Conference, Gauhati)

That a different type of storytelling is required while documenting people's movement is best explained by Professor Shiv Vishwanathan when he talks of the struggle in the Narmada valley: 

“To me, the most important historical event of the last two decades has been the battle over the Narmada dam... The battle over the Narmada dam reflects a journey, a pilgrimage, and a recollection of 30 years of resistance...it demands a different kind of storytelling.”  (The Hindu 9 March 2016)

Thus, Oral History when combined with activism is the study and record of history of the resistance of the Dalits, Tribals, Women, Workers, Natural resources dependent communities (environmental activism), Minority communities (social activism), etc as told by those who have been part of these struggles for social – economic- political change and justice. And it is increasingly becoming necessary to record the oral histories of people’s struggles as there is a growing interest in movements because:

Movements have helped bring social, political, economic, environmental equity and justice.

Movements have helped bring changes in policies and laws, for example laws like Right to Information Act, the Forest Rights Act, the POSH Act, etc are a result of people’s movements.

Movements have helped bring changes in institutions for regulation and governance. For example the setting up of the inspection panel by the World Bank to examine the projects it is funding, the environment impact assessment and public hearings for developmental projects, etc is an outcome of people's resistance.

Movements have helped bring changes in development discourse in the context of nation, national interest, and has pushed for sustainable development.

As a result of growing interest in oral histories and people's movements, there has been wide range of such publications. To note a few: 

* We Were Making History: Life Stories of Women in Telengana Struggle by K Lalita and Vasantha Kannabiran. 
*One Hundred Years, One Hundred Voices: the Mill Workers of  Girangaon an Oral History, by Meena Menon and Neera Adarkar
*We also Made History: Women in the Ambedkarite Movement, edited by Urmila Pawar and Meenakshi Moon.    
* Ladha Narmadecha: The Oral History of the Narmada Bachao Andolan in conversation with Tribal Leaders of the Movement by Nandini Oza.
* Oral History and the History of the Civil Rights Movement by Organisation of American Historians.

And now, with improvement in recording equipment, internet connectivity, etc we have websites based on oral histories of people’s struggles. Few examples:

*Civil Rights History Project: “Oral history collections with relevance
to the Civil Rights Movement to obtain equal rights and justice for
African Americans":

https://www.loc.gov/collections/civil-rights-history-project/about-this-collection/

*Tibetan Oral History: “Accounts...to compare and contrast the Chinese
government’s official version of Tibetan history”:

https://www.tibetoralhistory.org/mission.php

* Oral History of Narmada Struggle: “People’s histories of the
mass resistance against the Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP) on the River
Narmada in Western India in the form of oral histories of the people
who have been directly involved in the movement.”

https://oralhistorynarmada.in/

It would also be important to sum up with some of the plus points and the challenges oral history and activism face. The plus points:

*There is a better acceptance of Oral History as a discipline today. 

*Oral history creates important primary sources.

*Increasing interest in people’s movements and activism around social, environmental, economic, political rights and justice.

*Availability of better equipment and resources.

Challenges:

Training: there are still not well designed courses and material available in learning oral history in the Indian context particularly when it comes to people’s movements. Therefore there is dependence on self learning through material available in western context.

Resources: there is a constraint in availability of resources as people’s movements may not have creating such an archive as its priority among many other pressing priorities. Besides, such archives challenge the dominant forces and there is less chance of these forces although resourceful, funding it. And even if they would be willing to support, ideologically, activists and movements may not be willing to accept it.

Languages: oral history of people’s struggles would be in multiple languages and also in languages that do not have a written script. Transcription, translation, etc for wider dissemination is a difficult, time and resource consuming task.  

Acceptance: oral archive created by activists and people’s movements while create important primary sources and oral histories, could still have issues of acceptability.  

Dissemination: While dissemination is a challenge when it comes to oral history in general, when it comes to people’s resistance and oral histories, there is an added challenge as conventional or main stream media, main-stream or official history, journals, etc may not provide the necessary space and importance.

End

 

Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, Manu Gandhi's diary 30 January 1948

An Indian parliamentarian from the right wing Bhartiya Janta Party, whose government is in power at the centre, when recently called Hindu extremist Nathuram Godse a deshbhakt, I cannot stop penning the pages from Manuben Gandhi’s diary as she describes 30^th January 1948, one of the darkest days in the History of India, exactly seventy one years ago today. 

Nathuram Godse shot unarmed Mahatma Gandhi dead while he was going for collective prayers on this dreadful day. Gandhiji was 78 years of age. And today, Godse's followers decriminalize a cold blooded murderer in the parliament and outside. 

Select experts translated from Manuben Gandhi's diary from Gujarati:

Manuben: “Birla House, New Delhi.

30-1-’48    

As per routine, Bapu woke up for prayers and woke me up too… As Sushilaben is not present, I have to recite Gita Path…Bapu said, “…prayers are to cleanse the soul. I have deep faith in prayers. Those who do not like it should abandon me. That is good for both…I do not find these signs good. I hope God does not let me live more to see all this... Today I wish to listen to the devotional song, ‘even if tired, man, do not rest’” 

 

Manu Gandhi and Abha Gandhi, on the way to prayer meeting with Mahatma Gandhi. Photo Source: UPI Archive

Never before, and it is only today that Bapu has chosen this song. I find something different in Bapu today. I feel deep down that Bapu may undertake a fast again.  Today Sardardada (Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel) is to come to meet Bapu and they will be talking alone. Then cabinet will be called and decisions taken... After (morning) prayers, I brought Bapu in from the Varanda and covered him with a blanket. He began correcting the draft for the Congress…He is still weak from the fast. While writing, he fell asleep and I massaged his legs…while taking a stroll, Shrimati Rajen Nehru arrived…at eight as per the schedule massage, bath and then newspapers were seen (by Bapu)…After bath, he took boiled vegetables, milk, a radish, and four ripe tomatoes and spoke with Pyarelalji about Noakhali while having food…at 12.30, he talked about requirement of a house for the nursing home by Dr. Bhargav…After that, Maulana Habibur Saheb asked about  Sevagram…

…Arrangements for the publication of Mahedvbhai’s life and his diaries are not happening at all. He talked about this to Shantikumarbhai who complained that there is some problem between Chandrashankerbhai and Navjeevan. There is a talk about taking a lot of money...

...Bapu said: “Wherever I see, the way in which the Yadavs killed each other, the same situation is with us now. We are harming the society because of our internal disputes. No one is aware about that…The diaries should be placed in order…”

…Dr. Silva and his daughter were chief representatives from Lanka and they were given autograph…In the afternoon (Bapu) completed the penning of pending letters with Bisenbhai…

...we returned from the city at 4.30 and he (Bapu) began talking with Sardardada…In the mean time, leaders from Kathiawad, Rasikbhai Parikh and Dhebarbhai arrived. They wanted to meet Bapu. But today every second is occupied. However I told them that I will ask Bapu and give them a reply. Bapu and Sardardada were deeply engrossed in their talks. When I asked Bapu, he said, “Tell them, if I remain alive after the prayers, then at the time of taking a stroll we will talk.”…They are sitting in the next room…

[After this (above entry) I am (Manuben) writing the diary only on the night of 1^st (February 1948) after 2 past mid-night- What do I write?  There is nothing but sounds of weeping in the whole of Birla house. Oh! It is as if Bapu is not sleeping at all! Will he not get up to reprimand me on seeing me write so late in the night? No, No, Bapuji, you did not let my mistakes pass for even a second and why are you so liberal today! Are you unhappy with me today? “In this havan (sacred fire), it is just you and me. You can leave me but I will not.” But Bapu, you have left me!…Nothing is making sense…Panditji’s heart wrenching cry is piercing the heart of the toughest. And the small dear Gopu is asking: ‘Manuben, why is dada asleep?’]

…Bapu was so engrossed in his talk with Sardardada that it was late by ten minutes (for the prayer meet). No one wanted to disturb them in this tense atmosphere. At last Maniben had the courage. If time will not be adhered to, Bapu will be upset with us. Bapu ate while talking…he got up suddenly. As per the daily routine, I took a pen, Bapu’s rosary, spittoon, spectacle case, and the note book in which the daily preaching/sermons have been written. Bapu expressed his displeasure for the delay by ten minutes: ‘You are my watch are you not? Why should I touch a watch?’…

...Talking like this, we walked up the stairs for prayers…As per the practice, we were his support, his sticks while walking to the prayer (grounds), …we climbed four steps. Looking at the assembly of people as per his routine, Bapu lifted his hands from our shoulders, folded his hands before the people and walked ahead. I was to his right. From my side a hardy – healthy man in Khakhi, with folded hands, tearing through the crowds came very swiftly and suddenly. I thought it must be his desire to touch Bapu’s feet. This used to happen daily. No matter where Bapu went, people came to touch his feet. We used to tell them in our own way that Bapu did not like anyone touching his feet…Bapu would tell those who touched his feet, “I am an ordinary man, why touch my feet?”

This is why I too pushed the hand of this man surging ahead and said: “Brother, Bapu is late by ten minutes, why are you harassing him!” But that young man pushed me so hard that everything- the pen, the rosary, the note book fell off my hands. Till the other things fell, I did not bother much but continued to prevent the man (from moving ahead). But when the rosary fell, I bent down to pick it up. Just at that very moment one after the other- dhada dhad- three bullets were fired. Darkness, smoke and sky piercing sound and yet Bapu as if with upright chest and erect, was moving ahead- ‘He Ra..m, He Ra..m with folded hands he fell to the ground...

Just before Mahatma Gandhi was shot. Photo Source: https://www.pinterest.com/pin/334673816032036807/

…Many tried to prevent Bapu’s fall. Abhaben also fell down. She got up but fell down again. She took Bapu’s head on to her lap. I could not understand what had happened. Everything happened in just three to four minutes…a crowd of people assembled…it is difficult to express the condition of we two girls…But from his white clothes, a stream of blood began to flow forming a puddle! The watch in the folded hands of Bapu showed it was 5-17. Bapu with his folded hands was in the green garden of heaven, in the lap of the mother earth, in deep sleep…”

I end the translation here as it is heart wrenching to continue as murderous voices of the followers of Nathuram Godse, holding government positions today, shout from public podium, “Goli Maro Salo Ko…”. The Election Commission has barred a couple of them from being star campaigners of the Bhartiya Janta Party in the forthcoming Delhi polls after they gave this murderous call. 

 https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/delhi-assembly-polls-2020/story/election-commission-bjp-remove-anurag-thakur-parvesh-sahib-list-star-campaigners-delhi-polls-1641190-2020-01-29

But is this enough to save our democracy and secular values?

End

30 January 2020