Prison Diaries/Writings : Remembering Mridula Sarabhai

From an article ‘Squeezing the Olives’, in the Frontline magazine by K. Satchidanandan, I came to know of the diverse writings that have been done by various people while incarcerated. http://www.frontline.in/columns/K_Satchidanandan/squeezing-the-olives/article6464702.ece

Many Indian freedom fighters like Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Nehru, Rajaji, etc feature in this article along with several other eminent people from around the globe; who have written on various issues from within the confines of a prison. It was this article that made me curious and I wanted to know if the several Indian women freedom fighters  maintained a diary/wrote while imprisoned during the freedom struggle or not.

It was only when I accidentally came across a book ‘Rebel with a cause’, on Mridula Sarabhai, by Aparna Basu that I came to know in the chapter ‘In Prison’, the following (the book is not easily available in print now and I reproduce some excerpts here):

“...Mridula’s first experience of jail life was in 1930 when she, her mother and Khursedben were arrested picketing shops selling foreign cloth. They were put in Sabarmati jail for three weeks. She kept a jail dairy in Gujarati...”

Mridula Sarabhai. Photo Source: www.mkgandhi.org

[On another occasion] “...Mridula, the fourth in line was arrested on 8^th January 1932, and taken once again to Sabarmati jail. She was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment and fined Rs 300...Mridula, together with Lilavati Desai and Vijyalakshmi Kanuga was put in ‘B’ class , whereas Maniben Patel and Mithuben Petit were made ‘C’ class prisoners...Twenty days later, Mridula and sixteen of her fellow women prisoners were removed from Sabarmati jail to an unknown destination...From Sabarmati, they were moved to Yeravada prison, Poona...Within five days there was an order, once again transferring her, together with six of her fellow women prisoners, from Yeravada jail to Belgaum...in one of the rooms for ‘B’ class prisoners were Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, Naju Wadia, Jhaverben Jamnadas, Brijkumari and others. In the other room were Nanduben Kanuga, Lilavati Desai, Maniben Patel, Lilavati Munshi, Manorama Joshi, Mridula and Devyani Desai with her small daughter...She [Mridula] was released on 22^nd June 1932. These six months were indeed an important phase in her life..."

"...She was released but the satyagraha was going on and she could not keep away for long...on 17^th February, she was arrested again and produced before the district magistrate and kept in Sabarmati jail till 3^rd March...after being detained for some weeks in Sabarmati jail, she was shifted to Belgaum where the home secretary to the Government of Bombay, N.W. Maxwell, issued an order directing her to reside and remain within the limits of Belgaum city...As was to be expected, she violated this order by picketing outside a cloth shop in Belgaum and was immediately arrested and sentenced to six months’ simple imprisonment and fined Rs.500...Mridula was eventually released on 26 September. Her next imprisonment was in December 1938 when a satyagraha was launched in Rajkot by the Praja Parishad...

“...Mridula was arrested as a dangerous person within forty-eight hours of her arrival in Rajkot and was sentenced to five weeks’ imprisonment. She and Maniben were kept in Tramba Darbar’s bunglow...”

“... [Later] She [Mridula] was arrested on 20^th August and taken to Arthur Road Jail, Bombay. She vividly described the period of her detention: [and Mridula Sarabhai writes] ‘I was arrested at Bombay on 20^th August 1942...It took more than ten days to arrest me. Soon after my arrest, I was lodged in the Arthur Road Jail, Bombay. Thereafter, I was transferred to Yeravada Jail, Poona and finally to Belgaum Jail. Nobody was allowed to meet me for six to eight months...The most heartening thing for me was that Maniben Patel, daughter of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, was my companion...I was told by the British authorities that I would be released on parole provided I don’t meet any Congressmen. I did not agree to this condition. I retorted that I do not have acquaintance with anybody except Congressmen. I was released unconditionally in December 1943 on the day I was to be operated upon’... This was her last imprisonment before independence [writes Aparna Basu in her book]. ”

The book by Aparna Basu also accounts for Mridula Sarabhai's relentless public work in most difficult of circumstances during the time of partition and in the work of rescue operations as well as rehabilitation of refugees after independence. She also worked to restore peace when riots broke out in different parts of the country. What is interesting is that while many of the freedom fighters, particularly men, took position of high power and authority in the Indian Government after independence, Mridula Sarabhai did not do so. 

Mridula Sarabhai continued to remain an activist, many times critical of Government polices and was also jailed post independence for her outspoken views and actions. About Mridula Sarabhai, Aparna Basu further writes, “...From 1953 Mridula devoted herself to Kashmir and stood by Sheikh Abdulla and his supporters even when they were accused of treason, as a result she had to resign or leave every organization she was connected with...her phone was tapped, CID watched her house...She was dismissed from the  Congress party in 1958 and was finally detained under the Prevention Detention Act in Tihar Jail from 8 August 1959 till 6 August 1959 and later put under House detention in her home in Ahmedabad under Defence of India Rules...”

It is indeed surprising that so little is known of a person like Mridula Sarabhai. This is particularly intriguing because many other women from the Sarabhai family and their contribution to the society is fairly known.  

In her paper ‘Archiving the Nation- State in Feminist Praxis: A South Asian Perspective’, Uma Chakravarti too acknowledges that not much is known about Mridula Sarabhai as follows: “When I look back on the last years of Mridula’s life, I am struck by the fact that I was already then a teacher, and had close friends among the socialist network who espoused the cause that she had been fighting for; some of these socialists had even taken on the Kashmir issue in a mediating capacity and yet there was little public recognition of Mridula’s long struggle in support of Kashmir in the media, or even in ordinary conversation that was happening around me. Both Gandhi (symbolically) and Nehru whom she cited as her mentors, still dominated the public sphere in the 60’s and 70’s and yet no one talked of Mridula. All I can recall is a hazy connection of her name being associated with some kind of a ‘bee in her bonnet’ about Kashmir.”

In her paper, Uma Chakravarty explains, “Resistance to a blind nationalism and the demands of loyalty from its citizens by a nation-state in South Asia in the post colonial period was indeed a madness if it was the position of a single individual, and that too a woman...”

This certainly is one of the reasons why Mridula Sarabhai does not hold a place of eminence in public discourse. However I also feel that there are other reasons. Mridula Sarabhai was a non conformist woman, critical of Government policies, polices of her own party, the Congress and many of the Congress men in power.  But most importantly the role and the exemplary work of not just Mridula Sarabhai but most of the women freedom fighters of the country, continues to remain less known even today because this space is to a great extent occupied by a few male personalities. The dominance of few names in India’s struggle for freedom I believe is also one reason why it eclipses many others, particularly the names of the women. Thus the scores of women who have played commendable role in India’s struggle for freedom continues to remain less known. 

I have been trying to locate if Mridula Sarabhai’s prison diaries are available or published but in vein. The other memoirs written from within the confines of a prison are by Dr. Sushila Nayar titled, “Mahatma Gandhi’s Last Imprisonment”. Sushila Nayar’s book, “ Kasturba: A personal Reminiscence”, also details the last days of Kasturba and her passing away  while jailed at the Aga Khan palace by the British.Sushila Nayar was also in jail with Gandhi and Kasturba.

end

Gandhiji and Women’s Issues

On women’s day, a tribute to some of those who are less known or are nameless/faceless but have opined or have raised issues before 
Mahatma Gandhi on the issue of women’s roles and rights:

[Excerpts from Gandhi Series 2, 'To The Women', Edited and Published by Anand T. Hingorani]: ‘Shrimati Sarladevi of Cuttack writes: “Don’t you admit that the treatment of women is as bad a disease as untouchability itself? The attitude of young ‘nationalists’ I have come in contact with, is beastly in ninety cases out of a hundred. How many of the non-co-operators in India do not regard women as objects of enjoyment? Is that essential condition of success-self purification-possible without a change of attitude towards women?”

[Gandhiji]: “I am unable to subscribe that treatment of women is a ‘disease as bad as untouchability?’ Shrimati Sarladevi has grossly exaggerated the evil. Nor can the charge leveled against the non co-operators of mere gratification of lust be sustained...Women must cease to consider herself the object of man’s lust. The remedy is more in her hands than man’s. She must refuse to adorn herself for men, including her husband, if she will be an equal partner with man...”

‘...From a highly educated sister: “I beg you [Gandhiji] to solve the problem of us, the women. Rajajai says that there is no women’s problem. Perhaps, not in the political sense. Perhaps, it could be made by legislation...that is, all professions should be made equally open to men and women...the natural qualities of her sex, the upbringing meted out to her because of her sex, and her environment which is created because of her sex, all are against her. And in her work, these things, mainly her nature, upbringing and surroundings always get in the way and hinder her, and give occasion for the hackneyed phrase: ‘She is only a woman, after all’. This is what I mean by sex hanging round one’s neck...your advice to me was to read Harijan. I do so eagerly. But so far I have not come across, well, the advice for the inner spirit. Spinning and fighting for the national freedom are only some aspects of training. They do not seem to contain the whole solution. For, I have seen women who do spin and do try to work out of Congress ideals, and still commit blunders which are attributed to the fact of their being women...I do not want women to become like men...tell us, please, how to make best use of our qualities, how to turn our disadvantages into advantages...”

[Gandhiji]: “...My opinion is, that just as fundamentally man and woman are one, their problem must be one in essence...each is a complement to the other. The one cannot live without the other’s active help...Nevertheless, there is no doubt that at some point there is bifurcation. Whilst both are fundamentally one, it is also equally true that in the form there is a vital difference between the two. Hence the vocation of the two must also be different. The duty of motherhood, which the vast majority of women will always undertake, requires qualities which man need not possess. She is passive, he is active. She is essentially mistress of the house. He is the breadwinner; she is the keeper and distributor of the bread. She is the care taker in every sense of the term. The art of bringing up the infants of the race is her special and sole prerogative...In my opinion, it is degrading both for man and woman, that woman should be called upon or induced to forsake the hearth, and shoulder the rifle for the protection of that hearth. It is a reversion to barbarity and the beginning of the end. In trying to ride the horse that man rides, she brings herself and him down. The sin will be on man’s head for tempting or compelling his companion to desert her special calling...I have suggested, in these columns, that woman is the incarnation of Ahimsa. Ahimsa means infinite love, which again means infinite capacity for suffering. Who but woman, the mother of man, shows this capacity in the largest measure? She shows it, as she carries the infant and feeds it during nine months, and derives joy in the suffering involved. What can beat the suffering caused by the pangs of labour? But she forgets them in the joy of creation...let her transfer that love to the whole of humanity, let her forget she ever was or can be, the object of man’s lust...”

Sarojini Naidu and one more woman I cannot identify during the Salt Satyagraha/Dandi March in the year 1930. Source of photo: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salt_March

‘...a letter written on behalf of eleven students to [Gandhiji]:  “Your [Gandhiji’s] comments on the letter of a lady student captioned Student’s Shame and published in Harijan of the 31^st December 1938, deserve special attention. The modern girl, it seems, has provoked you [Gandhiji] to the extent that you have disposed of her finally as one playing Juliet to half a dozen Romeos. This remark, which betrays your ideas about women in general, is not very inspiring...in these days when women are coming out of closed doors to help men and take an equal share of the burden of life, it is indeed strange that they are still blamed even when they are maltreated by men...and it cannot or should never be taken that modern girls are categorically all Juliets, or modern youths all Romeos...A statement like this from one revered all over the world seems to hold a brief once more for that worn out and unbecoming saying : “Woman is the Gate of Hell”...To be hated or pitied is what they [modern girls] resent much. They are ready to mend their ways if they are really guilty. Their guilt, if any, must be conclusively proved before they are anathematized. In this respect, they would neither desire to take shelter under the covering of ‘ladies please’, nor would they silently stand and allow the judge to condemn them in his own way. Truth must be faced; the modern girl or ‘Juliet,’ as you have called her, has the courage enough to face it.”

‘ ...Dr. S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, the well known social worker of Madras, has written a long letter [to Gandhiji]... “...Under the present social system, don’t you think that very few women are given sufficient opportunities of education, full development of body and mind, and self expression? Don’t you think their very individuality is being recklessly crushed under the burden of customs and conventions?...should not the members of the Nationalist Party, we mean the Congress, burn with the desire and enthusiasm to find an immediate remedy for all these social evils...or at least educate the masses to liberate their women from the servile bondage to which they are subject...”

[Gandhiji]: “Dr. Muthulakshmi has a perfect right to except Congressmen to shoulder this responsibility...it is not this custom or that which needs condemnation, it is the inertia which refuses to move even in the face of an admitted evil that needs to be removed...And lastly the condemnation is true only of the middle class, the town dwellers, i.e., barely 15 percent of the vast millions of India. The masses living in the villages have no child marriage, no prohibition against widow remarriage. It is true that they have other evils which impede growth...”

[Excerpts from Mahadevbhai Desai’s diary no- 8]: ‘Gandhiji had met fallen/sinful women in Barisal in 1921 and had suggested one or two workers to work for their betterment. But later there was a division between the Congress workers...the dispute in Barisal took an ugly form like in no other place. The workers who had pledged to serve the fallen/sinful women, those women were started to be used for political purpose. They [women] became the members of the Congress- it is not possible to refuse their demand to be the members of Congress - but they also became delegates and their votes were also used in the public meetings!  On the day Gandhiji went, those women requested that he visit their area, they asked to be able to give a letter of honor to Gandhiji and one man started supporting their demand a lot. Initially Gandhiji controlled his anger and only said this, “Inform them that if they wish to meet me they should come here. I cannot go to meet them.” But that man did not understand. He took sides. “You ordered to serve those unfortunates. And today you deprive them of your Darshan [sight] even! They also want to give you a letter of honor.” 

Gandhiji could not tolerate this. “If this is how what I have said is misunderstood, then I should kill myself by drowning. I had told you to serve them. They have not given up their work. And you use such who have not given up their work, in politics? What if they are spinning the wheel? Their yarn is useless to me. Can the spinning wheel be a lid on sins? And by taking a letter of honor from them, would I make their work “respectable”? One should be ashamed of such a suggestion. Leaving their work completely is the first step of their service. Service is impossible unless they give up their work...by giving a letter of honor to me they want to gain respect and gain power. That will never happen.”

[Mahadevbhai]: ‘Earlier the issue of sinful/fallen women had come up twice which one recalls now. In Bengal in order to raise Tilak Swaraj fund, a meeting of women had been organised in a temple. Two sinful/fallen women very hesitatingly came to the temple, put Rs 50/- in the collection bag and had left. Before that incident... a friend in Mumbai talked about the possibility of getting considerable sum from a well-known singer for the swaraj fund.  Gandhiji had clearly said no to the same and said, “It is like acknowledging her work. Let her give up her work and give lakhs of rupees and thereby do penance.” Therefore in Bengal the question arose whether to take that Rs 50/- or not. Gandhiji had said, “Those women gave that money not for fame/publicity but gave with tears of penance and so it can be taken. They did not even have the courage to attend the meeting and that shows that they had nothing to take any pride in.’

[Excerpts from Gandhi Series 2, To The Women, Edited and Published by Anand T. Hingorani]:  [Gandhiji]: “The first occasion I had of meeting those women who earn their livelihood out of their shame, was at Coconada in the Andhra province. There it was few moments’ interview with only half a dozen of them. The second occasion was at Barisal. Over one hundred of them met by appointment. They had sent a letter in advance, asking for an interview and telling me that they had become members of the Congress and subscribed to the Tilak Swaraj Fund, but could not understand my advise not to seek office in the various Congress Committees...The gentleman, who handed me the letter, did so with great hesitation, not knowing whether I would be offended or pleased with the receipt of the letter. I put him at ease by assuring him that it was my duty to serve these sisters, if I could in any way.

“For me, the two hours I passed with these sisters is a treasured memory. They told me that they were over 350 in the midst of a population of about 20,000 men, women and children. They represent the shame of men of Barisal...and what is true of Barisal is true, I fear, of every city. I mention Barisal, therefore as an illustration. The credit of having thought of serving these sisters belongs to some men of Barisal...By the time I had finished with my interview they knew, without my telling them, why they could not be office bearers in Congress Committees if they did not give up their sinfulness. None could officiate at the altar of swaraj who did not approach it with pure hands and a pure heart.”

end

The contemporary women’s history that is less known

I happened to attend an International conference in Feb 2015 at SNDT women’s university, Mumbai, organised by the Research Centre for Women’s Studies. The main theme of the conference was: Shifting Contours, Widening Concerns: Women’s History, Historiography and Politics of Historical Representation.

In the conference some of the papers were excellent.  To name a few:  

1.     Presentation by Dr. Shalini Shah titled ‘Historical Sources and the Masculine Politics of Representation in Sanskrit Texts.’

2.     Presentation by Prof. Kanchana Mahadevan, titled ‘Feminist Histories and Critical Interpretation.’

3.      Presentation by Prof. Uma Chakravarty, titled, ‘Conjugality and its Discontents: A Story Told Through Photographs.’

4.      Presentation by writer and activist Ms. Urmila Pawar, titled, ‘We also made History.’

However many of the presentations in the plenary session took up far more time than what was allocated to the presenters leaving less than the allotted time for the technical sessions. I was also told by some young researchers that this is often the case in such conferences where the technical sessions are left with less time. However in spite of the limited time, many interesting papers were presented in the technical sessions and to name a few:

1.     Presentation by Ms. Varsha Shenoy titled, ‘Location/Re-location of women in the private/public spheres in the context of the Swadeshi movement.’

2.       Presentation by Ms. Swagata Basu titled, ‘Mapping the Un-represented Self: A Feminist Geographical Exposition of Politics of Naming Places in Colonial and Post Colonial India.’

3.     Presentation by Ms Shazia Salam titled, ‘History,    Fiction and Representation: Muslim Women and Partition of India.’

One another important thing I noticed was that many of the presentations were based either on secondary sources and data or interpretation of writings/research already done in the past. Concern was also raised at the conference by many of the participants regarding the squeeze in resources for the subject of History in general.

I also wish to elaborate a little more on one particular presentation in the plenary session. In the paper titled “Reading Histories of Contemporary Women’s Movement: Diverse Contexts Questions and Narratives”, the presenter, Prof. Indu Agnihotri, Director, Centre for Women’s Development Studies, New Delhi, mentioned some of the events that have become important for the women’s movement in the country.  Among these, she mentioned events right from “1984 riots” to the recent Nirbhaya rape case. While the presentation was interesting, the several peoples movements and struggles’ in our country around the issue of life, livelihood, environment, against “developmental” projects requiring large scale acquisition of lands and therefore leading to large scale displacement,  were absent from the narrative.

I was surprised at this omission because in these struggles large number of women – adivasi, peasant, dalit, landless, women from the  middle class, etc. have played exemplary roles, often cutting the caste, class, religious divide in a significant way. Moreover many of these women, while fighting to save their homes, lands, water, forests, and livelihoods have faced brutal repression, at the hands of both, the vested interests and the State. It is important to note here that women have played important roles in these struggles right from the time of the Mulshi Satyagraha in the early 1920s to the more recent Chipko Movement, the Baliapal Movement, the struggles in the Narmada valley, fish workers struggles, the struggle in Nandigram, Singur, the Kalinganagar struggle to name just a few.

A program of Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) in the late eighties against the Sardar Sarovar Project. Photo By Shripad Dharmadhikary.   

Women opposing as part of NBA the Maheshwar dam on the river Narmada, one of the first privatized  projects in the country. Photo Source: Not Known.

I also wish to say here that these people’s movements have contributed significantly to the development-environment-human rights debate in the country. Moreover many of the important ideas that are a part of the discussion today, like right to information, consent and participation of affected people, environmental flows, environment impact assessment, etc. find their roots in the early days of these struggles. Furthermore these non-violent struggles across the country have used several innovative strategies that have demonstrated how mass movements of the marginalized can translate into a powerful force against established and dominant interests.

As an activist and a writer, I would be happy to see the many people’s movements against the so called development projects/model, find a place of significance in the contemporary history of India. I would also be happy to see that the contemporary women's history also recognizes in a significant way the assertive and powerful role women have played in shaping the policies of our country.   

The Strike of Mill Workers’ in Ahmadabad in 1918 and Gandhiji’s Fast.

Mahatma Gandhi and Fasts, Part-3

The many fasts that Gandhiji undertook have been well known and publicised. But it would be interesting to have a first hand account of what transpired within the inner circle of Gandhiji around the time he fasted through Mahadevbhai’s diaries as these diaries bring to light facts which are less known.

It is also important to understand that while Gandhiji was against undertaking fasts as a pressure tactic or for fulfillment of any demands, what were these fasts for? How Gandhiji justified the many fasts he undertook both publicly as well as within his inner circle?

This post covers the fast undertaken by Gandhiji in Ahmadabad during the strike of Mill workers’ in the year 1918 as explained in Mahadevbhai’s diary.

 Mahadevbhai’s Diary- Volume-4 - 13-11-1917 to 17-1-1919.

 Date 27-2-1918: [Mahadevbhai]: ‘During today’s morning prayer while describing the circumstances that had arisen out of the Kheda Satyagraha and worker’s strike [Gandhiji] spoke: “I have been saying that Satyagraha cannot be against the Government alone. Satyagraha can be undertaken under any situation or against anything...In Kheda the Satyagraha is against the Government, in Ahmedabad it is against the rich...the condition in Ahmedabad is also beautiful. I feel like sharing with you what the collector told me yesterday. I have not told this anywhere else. I find it appropriate to tell this in the ashram. He [collector] said that he is seeing for the first time in his life only here, a struggle between the mill owners and laborers with such goodwill. Even I feel that I have not seen such a good relation between the two parties before. You can see that though Ambalalbhai [Sarabhai] belongs to the opposite party, he had come for his food here yesterday and I have told him to take his food here again tomorrow...He understood why I am telling him to take his food here and he immediately agreed. What can be more beautiful than this? ...”

Date:12-3-18: [Mahadevbhai]: ...‘ Today Ambalal Sarabhai’s ‘personal and confidential’ letter arrived. The letter was long. [Gandhiji] Read and tore the letter...There itself a reply was written. I read the reply standing overhead. After which I asked to make a copy of the letter. [Gandhiji] Said that a copy of the letter cannot be made at all. Such things cannot be made public. It cannot stay [be written] in the diary also. I said that I will write whatever I remember and so [Gandhiji] agreed... The gist of Bapu’s letter [to Ambalalbhai Sarabhai] was as follows: “Your [Ambalalbhai’s] letter came which was read and torn off. I have not desired that there should be any pressure on the workers. If you will give more details of those pressurizing the workers than I will surly investigate. I am not concerned if workers join or do not join the work. I have continued to instruct that no worker should be stopped forcefully from going to the mill...You [Ambalalbhai] have assigned to me such work that how can I take the pleasure of staying with you? I greatly desire to meet your children. But how can it be possible right now? That is all in the future.”...

Date:17-3-1918: [Mahadevbhai]: ‘After the morning prayers in the ashram [Gandhiji] spoke of his vow/oath [significance of the pledge of undertaking a fast]’:

[Gandhiji]: “The step that I have taken right now [pledge of fast] is terrible but big thoughts rest behind it.  Terrible because all those who know me in Hindustan will be deeply saddened, they will lament. But along with that I have got an opportunity to explain to those people one beautiful element, and I should not miss that opportunity; with such thoughts I have taken this step [of fasting]. I have been impatient since past two days to explain to you the purpose of such a step [of fasting]...I have come here [to the ashram] in spite of Anasuyaben’s [Sarabhai] great insistence to keep me there... 

“...From the ancient culture of Hindustan, I have got such an element that even if only those of us who are sitting here know of it, then also we can enjoy the empire of the whole world. But before I explain that, I wish to say one thing. Right now there is only one person in Hindustan after whom lakhs of people are crazy, for whom lakhs of people may be ready to give up their lives. That person is Tilak Maharaj. Many times I feel that Tilak Maharaj has this great wealth... He has written on the mystery/significance of the Gita. But I feel that he [Tilak] has not recognized the ancient feeling and soul of Hindustan and so this is the condition of this country today. In his inner most thoughts he [Tilak] feels that we should become like Europeans...he suffered six years of imprisonment but that is to show a kind of European bravery; with such thoughts that let the people who are harassing us right now see how we can live for five years in jail... had Tilakji suffered the pains of jail in a spiritual manner then the condition would be different today and the result of his going to jail also would be different. I want to explain to him this. Many a times I have told him whatever I have wanted to say very humbly. But I have not told or written frankly... But this [element] thing is such that it cannot be explained by speaking or writing. To be able to experience this thing, I need to give a practical example. I have said it many times indirectly but if I get an opportunity like this one to give a clear example, I should not miss it, and this is that kind of an opportunity.

“Similarly, the second such person is Madanmohan Malaviya. Among the leaders of Hindustan he is the purest of all... However I feel that though he is so pure and has the knowledge of the Dharma too, he has not recognized the magnificent soul of Hindustan...This is also an opportunity to show him through practical example. I must show to both of them what the soul of Hindustan is.

“It has been twenty days since I am mingling with ten thousand workers. They took a pledge before me keeping Khuda and Ishwar before them. That time they [workers] took [the pledge] with enthusiasm... they had believed that by adhering to the pledge for twenty days, Khuda will definitely help. But Khuda did not help in that much time and put them to further test and so their faith became weak. They [workers] felt that they trusted this one man [Gandhiji] for so many days and suffered, and yet we did not receive anything. Had we not listened to this man [Gandhiji] and had indulged into Tofan/ mischief then also we would have received more than just 35% [wage] increase within a short time... I cannot tolerate this situation at all. That the pledge taken before me can be broken so easily and the reduction in the faith in God can be said to be the extinction of religion itself.   I cannot live to see the extinction of religion in this way from the work I am involved in. What it means to take a pledge should be explained to the workers by me. What can I do for it should be shown by me to the workers. If I cannot show that then I can be called a Baylo/woman... Therefore I took this step [of fasting] to stop the fall of those ten thousand people [workers]. That is why I took this pledge and it had a lightning effect. I had not expected it at all. Tears rolled down the eyes of the thousands of people who were present there. They recognized their soul, their spirit was awakened, and they got strength to stick to their pledge. I immediately recognized that religion has not disappeared from Hindustan and people can identify the soul. 

If Tilak Maharaj and Malaviyaji can be made to understand this, then a lot of work can be done in Hindustan...”

[Mahadevbhai]... ‘Explaining his fast he [Gandhiji] spoke further’:

 “My pledge [to not consume food] is so that the workers can abide by their vow, it is to make people understand the importance of a pledge ... if ten thousand workers break their pledge than the country will face destruction. It will be impossible to raise the issues of workers ever again. Everywhere an example will be given that for twenty days the workers suffered and they had a leader like Gandhi and yet they did not win. Therefore I had to think of ways to see that the workers remained strong somehow. How can I achieve this without putting myself through pain? ...And so I took this pledge [of fast].  I know that my pledge is impure/polluted. There is a possibility that the mill owners will take pity on me due to this pledge and give 35% increase to the workers. .. My wish is that only if they feel that it is justified then they should give a raise of 35%, and not give anything out of pity. However the natural outcome would be that and so for that reason alone I am ashamed of this pledge. I thought of two things- the pledge of the workers and my shame...I decided to tolerate my shame for the workers...So my pledge [to fast] is not as a threat to the Mill owners at all and I desire that the mill owners understand this clearly...

18-March-1918: [Mahadevbhai]: ‘He [Gandhiji] spoke the following at the time of the prayer:

“Today there is a possibility of a settlement before ten a.m....It is kind of settlement that I will never accept. But this is the problem of my pledge...there is a pressure on the Mill owners of my fast. They will feel this [pressure] no matter how much I say no to the same and the world will not believe it either..."

[Mahadevbahi]: ‘Today [Gandhiji] gave a reply to Devdas...’:

[Gandhiji]: “...Mill owners have not given [wage increase] for the steadfastness of the workers but have given [wage increase] due to my fast is what they believe...I was in a position to ask for more but at that time I accepted what was minimum, that indicates my simplicity, my humbleness and my logic. Had I not undertaken a fast, workers would have fallen. They lasted because of the fast. For such a resolve/vow/pledge, minimum demand alone is appropriate. ..”

 I would like to bring to the notice of readers here that in his autobiography, 'The story of my experiments with truth', Gandhiji writes about his fast as part of this strike as follows:

...“One morning-it was at a mill hands’ meeting-while I was still groping and unable to see my way clearly, the light came to me. Unbidden and all by themselves the words came to my lips: ‘unless the strikers rally,’ I declared to the meeting, ‘and continue the strike till the settlement is reached or till they leave the mills altogether, I will not touch any food.’...

In Mahadevbhai’s diary however, while speaking after the morning prayers in the Sabarmati ashram, Gandhiji explains in great detail the ‘big thoughts’ behind his pledge of fasting during the mill workers’ strike – many of these thoughts are not detailed in Gandhiji’s autobiography.  

Further it is interesting to note that in Gandhiji’s autobiography in the chapters that deal with the workers’ strike in Ahmedabad, he does not mention or disclose the personal and confidential correspondence between himself and the industrialist Ambalalbhai Sarabhai, which he did not wish to make public at the time of the strike.

Mahadevbhai Desai’s diaries therefore detail a history that is certainly less known.

End.

Mahatma Gandhi and Fasts, Part-2

This is second in the series of how some of the close aides of Gandhiji opposed the many fasts that Gandhiji undertook. Relevant excerpts from Mahadevbhai Desai’s diaries, translated from Gujarati by me.

Volume-2, [Year 1932]: [Views of Vallabhbhai Patel and Mahadevbhai Desai on Gandhiji’s proposed fast while in jail concerning a conference.]

‘... Bapu [Gandhiji] said: “Though it is a fleeting thought, I feel now – that if these people cannot establish unity till Tuesday then a notice of fast should be given!”

‘Vallabhbhai remained silent. When he went for some work, I [Mahadevbhai] discussed: “To fast only to convey best inspiration while the conference is on, is what I like.”

‘Bapu: “...What I was talking was to undertake a fast until the conference comes to a positive end.”

‘I [Mahadevbhai]: “Then that is a gun [force].”

‘Bapu: “Yes.”

‘I [Mahadevbhai]: “That [kind of fast] is not palatable to me. The earlier one is palatable. No one can object to it ... there is no stress [force] on getting a result, it [fast] is a symbol of self cleansing and good wishes [for the conference] only.” ...

... ‘Bapu: “Vallabhbhai, what do you have to say?”

‘Vallabhbhai: (Angrily) “You now please let the people rest in peace!  They have all gathered there [for the conference], they will do what they seem is right. Why do you irritate people by showing a gun [use of force]? Others will also feel that this man is without any work, he undertakes fast every now and then. Moreover it is a different thing that it will be believed that this is an excuse to get out [of jail].”

‘Bapu: “But what about the kind of a fast that Mahadevbhai suggests?”

‘Vallabhbhai: “Not any type of fast at all!”

‘Bapu: “So there is absolutely no permission from the chief?” 

‘Vallabhbhai: “Yes.”

‘Bapu: “... But can it be undertaken even if you say no?”

Vallabhbhai: “You are saying that to test us. You are of a type who will say yes if we say no and no if we say yes.”

‘Bapu: “Great, in that case I should undertake fast isn’t it?”... 

Volume-3, [Date: 6-1- 1933]: [A conversation between Gandhiji and Kakasaheb {possibly Kakasaheb Kalelkar} concerning fasts]

... ‘Kaka asked: “You [Gandhiji] took up Appa’s fast, you also took up that of Kellapan. So is it your intention that no one except you should undertake fast? Many people will have to undertake fasts.”

‘Bapu: “I have already said that many people will have to undertake fast. But not today. There are reasons for this. The first reason is that special competence is required for that [fast]. Secondly, I am a witness to the call in the Yerwada pact given by the upper caste Hindus; and who else is a representative of the upper caste Hindus like me to fulfill this call? Third thing is that others have to do a lot of other work. By coming to jail, I have done all that needs to be done; now this is the work [of fasting]. Not all can do this, but I have the strength, and I can show the strength sitting from here and so I feel it is appropriate that I alone should undertake a fast.” ...

Volume-3, [Date: 30-4-1933]: [Views o f Devdas [Gandhiji’s son] and Mahadevbhai Desai on one of the fasts declared by Mahatma Gandhi due to several reasons including problems at his ashram]

 [Mahadevbhai]: ...‘while talking of the ashram, Vallabhbhai said: “...ashram has become very big. Remove all those who have come in unnecessarily...”

 [Mahadevbhai]... ‘In the morning [I] heard him [Gandhiji] speak with Chaganlal about the decision taken by him [Gandhiji]: “I was awake since 11... A lot of conflict was going on [in the mind]. Thoughts of Neela came; thoughts of that German girl came. Should I send both of them to the ashram or not? If Margret does not behave properly she can be sent back to Germany, Neela also can be given leave.  But this was the upper dispute. However a voice kept coming from within that undertake fast, undertake fast. This has been going on for three days now... I had undertaken 21 days’ fast for the unity of Hindus and the Muslims, forty should be done for this. But no, answer [from within] came to do only 21 days [fast]...The last cause can be said to be Neela...I desire to get work done through the ashram, but problems go on day and night there, it [the ashram] is filled with dirt...so at last the inner voice said to undertake fast...”

[Mahadevbhai]: ‘...Then [I] wrote a note to telephone Devdas and sat down to make a copy of the statement/appeal [possibly concerning fast]... When Devdas came we went to the mango orchard... poor fellow [Devdas] must have thought that Bapu must have fallen ill suddenly. Just then Bapu said: “See, Vallabhbhai and Mahadev have not discussed at all, similarly [Devdas] you also read it [possibly the statement/appeal] peacefully and understand that there is no scope for any discussion.”

[Mahadevbhai]: ‘Devdas read it [appeal/statement] once, read it the second time. [Devdas] Was shocked... [Devdas] cried as he spoke... there was anger, sadness, deep pain in his talk...’

‘Bapu said: “The conflict of whether to undertake [fast] for 21 days or 40 days is going on since a month now. Should a person convey all his thoughts to others? ... It has been three days and I have not slept for hours on end... as if for three days a person is preparing to die...”

‘Devdas: “Therefore the ashram and Neela became the final cause right?”

‘Gandhiji: “Yes, it can be said so, but in a different way. Want to use Neela for the service of the Harijans. But how much purity is required for that? The use of the ashram is mainly for such work. But the ashram has formed cracks at so many places, in that case how can any work be undertaken through it [ashram]? Fast was not to be done for the ashram at all. I had thought about it once but then had given up the idea clearly. Even this time, I fret a lot to not undertake the fast, but as I decide not to fast, newer circumstances keep developing. The report of Allahabad came and I was furious. It was described as the abode of plague; it was suggested to demolish it [possibly the ashram]...I can collect crores of rupees but what would be the outcome? Few organizations may come up but under the shadow of my fast, layers and layers will be uprooted and the film/blind on the eyes of the people will be removed.”

‘Devdas: “You may explain all that. But I find this a breach of a promise. You have been told several times to let the Poona pact be implemented. It is not yet six months...But the fact is that your mind has become weak, nothing else strikes you; you finally end up on fasts. You cannot work for the Harijans in any other way so you have taken this path! I want to tell you that reading your statement/appeal has had a very bad impact on me. You believe there will be an awakening of the people, but I say hypocrisy will be cultivated. Your mistakes will not lead to the spiritual advancement of anyone. You are doing injustice to us and excessively punishing us unnecessarily. Two children committed some mistake in the ashram, this was normal, what is so surprising in it? Don’t make those helpless people the cause [of fast]. Instead of now saying clearly that I [Gandhiji] am helpless, you are saying that the fast is being done for self purification by you. I find the whole thing rotten. I see no good result coming out of this.”

[Mahadevbhai]: ‘Bapu was laughing away.’

‘Devdas: “Why are you laughing it away? If you cannot convince me then who else will be able to understand? ...”

‘Bapu: “Fast is an inseparable part of religion. In Islam and in other religions several have died like this...this time I am fasting for the mute - poor and the helpless so it needs to be declared...I have this ordinary strength which I am using...there is a possibility that there is hypocrisy in this, in that case my end should certainly come...”

‘Devdas: “You talk such things and try to defend that which cannot be defended. This is full of stupidity...”

‘I [Mahadevbhai] said: “You [Gandhiji] call this fast definite/unalterable then how will anyone discuss the matter with you? To tell you the truth would anyone discuss with you to waste time? You consider all others stupid and take a decision and say “ Take it, this is unchangeable.”

‘Bapu: “Mahadev..., why do you not understand that this is not the meaning of unalterable/unchangeable? ...If anyone can show that this fast is not appropriate then I will give up its thought.”

‘I [Mahadevbhai]: “Why are you lying? You have already sent the telegram to the Government in the morning [regarding fast].”

‘Bapu: “Haven’t I changed such decisions?”

‘I [Mahadevbhai]: “Have you ever changed the decision of fasting?”

‘Bapu: “No. But that is because no one has been able to show that the fast is not correct!”...

‘I [Mahadevbhai]: “You [Gandhiji] say that you should be shown your mistake. You yourself by inflicting such sufferings want to make the world aware of its mistakes and alert the world, how do we inflict such suffering on you and make you understand that you are making a mistake?”

‘Bapu: “That you should know. You have to discover it in some way...”

‘Devdas: “You come to the same conclusion. You have decided to undertake a fast so you find reasons...for the same.”...

‘I [Mahadevbhai]: “...So can it be said that the issue of the ashram is contributing to this or not?”

‘Bapu: “It can be said.”

‘Devdas: “And yet you say that you have not involved the ashram in this. The ashram is as pure now as never before. Why are you blaming the ashram? You have mixed up so many things and have spoiled this. I had liked your previous fast...but you have mixed up so many things in this that it is not clear to anyone. What is the decisive reason for this fast?”

‘Bapu: “Not one [single reason]. But I may be able to say that the Tofan [I have not been able to find the exact translation for this word. Those that have been suggested in the dictionary are - mischief or tumult] that Ambedkar is indulging in is one. Can I undertake [a fast] against Ambedkar? How do I explain to the poor Harijans? I have not considered the ashram impure...but to consider the ashram safe is one thing and to get the work of Harijans done through the ashram altogether another...”

‘Devdas: “You want to sacrifice the ashram in the struggle, and also sacrifice it in the work of Harijans, why are you talking such dual things...today when people are shouting that the Yerwada pact has been done through the use of force, at such a time what is the meaning of showing yet another fast to the people?” ...

‘Bapu: “...Yesterday Sarda had come. Poor soul talked with kindness that our people do not understand that the Hindu religion will be protected by the untouchables. When there were riots in Ajmer, they were the ones who saved the Hindus. So not because removal of untouchability is our duty but because they are of use to us at such times ... though it is in my plan to tell thousands to fast, I am not saying so because I am arrogant and believe that no one is as worthy as I...”

... ‘Devdas: “You have unknowingly been guided towards a wrong path and are guiding others too [on a wrong path]. Do you want to take the world along with you or want to sit in the heaven all alone? ...You are impatient. You say often that what is one generation before the infinity? And yet you want to do everything at one go...”

End